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Our Hanover/ AN KINGS 

A SHORT HISTORY OF 

THE FOUR GEORGES 

Br 
B.C. SKOTTOWE M.A. 



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OUE HANOVERIAN KINGS. 



LONDON : 

PBISTBD BY GILBEET AND BIVINGTON, LIMITED, 

BT. JOHN'S SQUABE. 



OUR HANOVERIAN KINGS. 



A SHORT HISTORY OP 



THE FOUE GE0EaE8, 



EMBRACmG THE PERIOD, 1714-1830. 



BY 

B. C. SKOTTOWE, M.A. 

»EVr COLLBGBj oxojr. 
AUTHOB OP "outlines OP COWSTITrTIOWAL .HI3TOKT." 



SonUon : 
^AxMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, AND RIVINGTON, 

CROWN BUILDINGS, 188, FLEET STREET. n, 

188i. 
[^All rights reserved, 2 



A/S/^^/" 




■If \ ] rw m \ .\n.j rm 



ORNE 
UNIVERSfI'5 







PREFACE. 

This little book is not intended to throw any new light on a 
period which has already undergone considerable elucidation at 
the hands of other far abler writers. It is merely intended to 
supply a need which has long been felt, of some short history 
of the eighteenth century in England which should not be 
mainly composed of foreign policy and military campaigns. In 
fact, it may be as well to warn the reader who delights in no- 
thing so much as blood and gunpowder, that he or she will find 
extremely little of both articles in the following pages. Those, 
however, who desire to trace out the development of our system 
of party government, and the '* expansion of England" in the 
New World, will, I hope, with the aid of the tables at the 
beginning of the book, be able to follow their subject with 
sufficient ease and accuracy. It is almost inevitable from the 
nature of the work that there should be nothing exactly new 
about it, except as regards the arrangement and the actual 
descriptions. It may, in fact, be compared to a mosaic in which 
fragments of different colours are all ground down into one 
smooth surface, for practically it is a brief resume of the opinions 
of various more copious historians. I expect that I have even 
in many cases unconsciously quoted the exact words of some 
authors without proper acknowledgment. If this is so, it must 
be attributed to the vivid impression of peculiar expressiveness 
and appropriateness 'which the words themselves produced on 
me, and which caused them to live in my memory. At the 
same time I heartily apologize to all for any liberties of this 
kind which I may have unintentionally taken. 

Britipfe C. Skottowe. 



CONTENTS 



JSoolt ff.— STANHOPE, 1714-21. 
CHAPTER I. 

INTEODUCTION. 

Section 1. — The End of Anne. 

PAGE 

The succession question — Elizabeth of the Palatinate — TheElectress 
Sophie of flanoTer — Bolingbroke's schemes — Harle7*s fall — 
Plans of the Whigs — The Duke of Shrewsbury — The death of 
Anne — The accession of George I. .... . 1 

Section 2. — George I. and the Pretender. 

The Pretender — Kis- birth— Character— Advantages — George I. — 
His character — Defects — Advantages — Feeling against Catho- 
licism — True position of George— True position of the Pre- 
tender ........... 6 

Section 3. — Whigs and Tories. 

Whigs — (1) The aristocracy — No barrier to the House of Lords — 

Active work of the peers — Their power used well — (2) Com- »; 
mercial classes— Increase of commerce — London — Monied 
classes naturally Whigs — Fear of repudiation — (3) Dissenters 
— Freed by the Whigs — Persecuted by the Tories — Tories — 
(1) Jacobites— (2) Tories proper — (3) Hanoverian Tories— 
Jacobitism — Bolingbroke — Oxford — Vacillation of the Tories 
— Conclusion — Rule by one party — Ministerial government — 
Apparent change in party politics —Real continuity . . 9 

CHAPTER II. 

THE STATE OF EUROPE. 

Section 1. — Results of the Peace of Utrecht. 

England — Holland — Spain — Austria — Savoy— Prussia — France — 

Unsettled questions . . . ...... 18 



viii Contents, 



SecUon 2. — France after the Peace of Utrecht. 



PAGE 



Last years of Louis XIY. — Ruined state of France — Deaths in 
the royal family — Regency question — Louis* will — Louis' 
death— Philippe d'Orl^ans— Cardinal Dubois— Policy . . 19 

Section 3. — Northern Europe, 

Northern War— Peter the Great— Battle of Pultava— Charles XII. 
in Turkey — Confederacy against Sweden — Eeturn of Charles 
XII. — Baron Gcrtz 23 

Section 4. — Spain and Alheroni. 

Cardinal Alberoni — His reforms and policy — Elizabeth Farnese — 
Community of interest between Gortz and Alberoni — Children 
of Philippe V 25 



CHAPTEE III. 

MINISTRY OF TOWNSHEND, 1714-17. 

Section 1. — Early Measures, 1714-15. 

The Ministry — Townshend — Stanhope — Whig supremacy — The 
General Election — Jacobitism — Impeachment of Bolingbroke 
— OfOrmond— Of Oxford — Riot Act — Bremen and Verden — 
Jacobite plots . , . . 27 

Section 2. — The Jacobite Rebellion of 1715. 

Causes of Scotch discontent — Loyalty to the Stuarts — Feuds- 
Religion — Patriotism — Essentials to success — France — The 
death of Louis— Lord Mar — Gathering of the clans - Failure of 
Ormond's expedition — Measures of the Government — Progress 
of the rebellion— Mar's iuaction— The English Rebellion- 
Battle of Pre?ton— Battle of Sheriffmuir — Arrival of the Pre- 
tender — Desertion of the Pretender— Punishment of the 
Rebels • .... 31 

Section B.~The Septennial Act, 1716. 

Reasons for passing it— Results— Old dependence of the Commons 
— Emancipation of the Commons effected by it -Increase of 
corruption— Ultimate results— Objections to triennial Parlia- 
ments. ..... 



::r9 



Section 4. — Schism in the Ministry, 1716-17. 

Quarrel between the king and Prince of Wales—Quarrel be- 
tween the king and Townshend— Mecklenburg question -The 
Triple Alliance— The dismissal of Townshend .... 42 



Contents. ix 



CHAPTER IV. 

MINISTRY OF STANHOPE, 1717-21. 

Section 1. — Oortz and Alberoni, 

PAGE 

Ministry of Stanhope — The Triple Alliance — Gorbz's plot — Its failure 
— Alberoni— War between Spain and Austria —The Quadruple 
Alliance — Alberoni's plot — The bursting of the bubble — Death 
of Charles XII. — Failure of the French plot — Failure of the 
Jacobite invasion — Fall and end of Alberoni — Peace — Treaty 
of Stockholm — Treaty of Nystadt 45 

Section 2. — Troubles at Homey 1717-19. 

Impeachment of Cadogan — Failure of the impeachment of Oxford 
- Repeal of the Schism Act — The Peerage Bill— The return of 
Walpole to the government 50 

Section S.— The South Sea BuUle, 1720-21. 

The National Debt — The French national debt — English prosperity 
— The South Sea scheme — Origin of the South Sea Company — 
The company's proposal —Bubbles — The company's mistake 
— Ruin — Vengeance — Break-up of the Ministry — Walpole . 54 



aSoofe «.— WALPOLE, 1721-45. 

CHAPTER I. 

WALPOLE AND GEORGE T., 1721-27- 

Section 1. — Home Affairs. 

Sir Robert Walpole — Atterbury's plot— Attaint of Atterbury — The 
return of Bol in gbroke- -Dismissal of Carteret — Wood's half- 
pence — The Drapier*s Letters — The Scotch Malt Tax— The 
schemes of Bolingbroke — The Craftsman -Failure of Boling- 
broke — Jacobitism — Prorogation of convocation ... 60 

Section 2 — Foreign PoUcyy 1721-35. 

Congress of Cambrai- The Emperor's tricks— Rii^erda — The 
infanta sent back — Treaty of Vienna — Treaty of Hanover — 
Fall of Ripperda — Act of the Pardo — Treaty of Seville — 
Second Treaty of Vienna— Polish Succession War — Third 
Treaty of Vienna . .65 



Contents. 



CHAPTER IT. 

MEN OF THE TIMK. 

Section 1. — Sir Robert WcuVpole, 1696 — 1745. 

PAGE 

Walpole — Character of his period — His faults — State of England 
at the time — Necessity for peace — Walpole's difficalties — His 
policy- Its results — His absolutism — Corruption — Moderation 
— Private character— Destruction of parties .... 71 

Section 2. —Walpole's Enemies. 

Pulteney — His character— Opposition to Walpole — Failure — 
Carteret — His character — History — The " Patriots '* — Ches- 
terfield— The " Boys "—The Tories— The Jacobites -Shippen 
— Bolingbroke — His opposition to Walpole — Total failure — 
Frederic, Prince of Wales— Quarrels with George II.— Becomes 
the leader of the Opposition — The "Patriot King" — Literary 
men 78 



CHAPTER III. 

WALPOLE AND GEORGE If. 1727-42. 

Section 1. — Oeorge 11. and his Queen, 

Queen Caroline — Her early life — Marriage — Governs her liusband 
— Her coarseness — Modesty — Literary tastes— George II. — 
The slave of his wife— The whimsical results of it — His per- 
sonal character ,.«....,.. 87 

Section 2.— JTome Affairs, 1727-37. 

Sir Spencer Compton — Dead level — Quarrel between Walpole and 
Townshend — Abolition of Law Latin — Committee on Prisons 
— Excise Bill— True state of the case— Popular excitement — 
The Bill withdrawn — Punishment of the mutineers — The 
Polish Succession War— The Septennial Act — Walpole's attack 
on Bolingbroke — The general election — Withdrawal of Boling- 
broke — The Dissenters — The Porteous Riots — The quarrel be- 
tween George and Frederic — The queen's death — The Opposi- 
tion — The Spanish question . . . . . . .91 

Section 3. — The Spanish Question, 1713-37. 

The causes of dispute—" Jenkins' Ear " — The Family Compact — 

Importance of the war — Position of Walpole .... 99 

Section 4.— The End of Walpole, 1737-45. 

War declared with Spain— Failure— The fall of Walpole— The re- 
sult — Death of Walpole . ....... iqi 



Contents. xi 



»oofe M«.— PELHAM, 1742-64. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION WAR, 1740-48. 

Section 1. — Austria and Bavaria, 1740-43. 



PAOE 



The Austrian succession — The plans of Belleisle — The designs of 
Frederic II. of Prussia — The success of the French — The 
triumph of Austria — Carteret's measure^? — English victory at 
Dettingen — Agreement of Hanau — Indignation in England — 
Newcastle's views — Treaty of Worms 104 

Section 2. — England and FroMce, 1743-48, 

Change — League of Frankfui-t — Treaty of Dresden — War in 
Flanders — Naval and Colonial war — Negotiations — Peace of 
Aix-la-Chapelle 109 



CHAPTER 11. 

THE MINISTRIES OP CARTERET AND PELHAM, 1742-48. 

Section 1. — The Ministry of Carteret, 1742-44. 

The Ministry — No real change in policy — " A house divided against 
itself *' — The ** Drunken Ministry "— General discontent— Pel- 
ham becomes Prime Minister — Resignation of Carteret — Final 
triumph of Pelham 113 

Section 2. — The Jacobite Invasion, 1745-46. 

Charles Edward Stuart — His early history — Character — Theories 
of government — Ultimate success impossible — State of the 
Highlands — The Highlanders — State of the Lowlands — State 
of England — Deceptive outward signs — Real apathy of the 
people — Deceptive result — Arrival of the Pretender — His 
first followers — The mistakes of the authorities — The march 
to Edinburgh— Battle of Preston Pans — Charles at Edinburgh 
— Collection of troops in England — The march to Derby — 
Panic in London — The retreat — The causes of the retreat — 
Battle of Falkirk — Dissensions among the rebels — Battle of 
Culloden — Military cruelties — Legal repression — End of 
Charles — End of the Stuarts 116 

Section 3, — The Ministry of Pelham, 1744-54. 
Belham's policy — The Broad- Bottomed Ministry — His diflaculties — 



xii Contents. 



PAGE 

His character — His foreign policy — Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle — 
Settlement of Halifax — The National Debt — Alteration of the 
Calendar — Lord Hardwicke's Marriage Act — Death of Pelham. 130 



CHAPTER III. 

THE CHTTECH. 

Section 1. — The Chwrch of England. 

Decline in religious feeling — Latitudinarianism — Jacobitism of the 

High Churchmen — Disastrous result — Typical men . . . 137 

Section 2. — The Dissenters. 

Position of the Dissenters — The Test and Corporation Acts — Modes 

of relief 138 

Section 3. — The Catholics. 

Miserable position of the Catholics — Their civil disabilities— Their 
political disabilities — Political nature of the persecution of the 
Catholics — The laws not enforced ...... 140 

Section 4. — The Methodists. 

The Oxford Society of Methodists — John Wesley — Wesley in 
Georgia — Progress of Methodism in England — Hostility of the 
Church — Separation — Persecution — Effect on the Church . 142 

CHAPTER IV. 

PARLIAMENT. 

Transfer of power to the House of Commons — Government of the 
Whig Oligarchy — Extraordinary increase of corruption— Elec- 
tion petitions— Place Bills — Privileges of Parliament become 
a form of tyranny — Influence of public opinion , . . 145 



JSoofe 52^. -NEWCASTLE, 1754-56. 

CHAPTER I. 

CAUSES OP THE SEVEN YEARS* WAR. 

Section 1. — India, 1745-54. 
The English settlements— The French Company— The state of 
India- The schemes of Dupleix— His ill-success- Disputes in 



Contents, xiii 



PAGE 

the Deccan — Triumphs of Dupleix — Siege of Triohinopoly — 
Robert Clive— The defence of Arcot— The victories of Clive— 
The recall of Dupleix— Death of Dupleix 149 

Section 2. — Americaj 1713-55, 

The English colonies — The peace of Utrecht — The French colo- 
nies — ^Liberal Grovemment of the English colonies — The 
English conquest was an extermination — Oppressive system 
of the French Government — The French conquest was a mili- 
tary occupation— Causes of the war between the colonies — 
The boundary of Nova Scotia — The boundary of the New 
England States — The outbreak of war — The defeat of Brad- 
dock , . . . , 155 

Section 3. — Austria, France, a/nd Russia, 1748-56. 

Coolness between England and Austria — Schemes of Kannitz — 
Views of Marie Th^r^se — Central point — Madame de Pompa- 
dour — Views of Louis XV. — ^Views of Elizabeth of Russia — 
Alliance between England and Prussia — Alliance between 
France and Austria — Russia ready for war — Frederic's danger 
and resolve — Outbreak of war 161 



CHAPTER IL 

SECTIONAL AND PERSONAL DISPTJTES, 1754-57. 

Section 1. — Newcastle. 

Strange character of the period — The Minister of Fate — Newcastle 
—His character — Power — Mistakes— Caricature of Walpole — 
Utter failure — Sacrifice of Byng — Personal purity , . .167 

Section 2. — Ministry of Newcastle, 1754-56. 

Sir Thomas Robinson — Fox joins Newcastle— Outbreak of the 
naval war — Alarm in England — Loss of Minorca — Execution 
of Byng — End of Newcastle's Ministry 171 

SecUon 3. — Political Changes, 1756-57. 
The Duke of Devonshire — Interregnum ...... 174 

Section 4. — Henry Fox, 
Character — Defects — Career — Genealogy 175 



XIV 



Contents. 



33ook ?F.— THE ELDEE PITT, 1757-61. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE SEVEN YEARS* WAR, 1756-63. 



Table of the events of 1756-57 
Campaign of 1756 . 
Campaign of 1757 . 
Campaign of 1758 . 
Campaign of 1759 . 
Campaign of 1760 . 
Campaign of 1761 , 
Campaign of 1762 . 
Peaces of Paris and Hubertsburg 



PAGE 

177 
177 
178 
180 
182 
183 
184 
185 
185 



CHAPTER II. 

THE WAR IN AMERICA, 1756-60. 



Campaign of 1756-57 
Campaign of 1758 . 
Campaign of 1759 . 
Campaign of 1760 . 
Wolfe 



186 
186 
188 
190 
191 



CHAPTER III. 



NAVAL WAR, 1756-60 



193 



CHAPTER IV. 

WAR IN INDIA, 1756-60. 

Section 1 — Bengal and Clive. 

Surajah Dowlah— The Black Hole of Calcutta— Treaty between the 
Company and Snrajah Dowl ah— Treachery of Surajah Dowlah 
—The plot against Surajah Dowlah— Conquest of Beneal— 
England supreme in Bengal 

Section 2. — Madras and Coote, 1758-60. 
Lally — Siege of Madras— Conquest of the Camatic .... 

Section 3. — Clivers Later Yearsy 1760-74. 

Clive in England— Clive'sxeforms in Bengal- Clive' s unpopularitv 

in England— Attack on Clive— His suicide 

• • • . 

Table of the Seven Years* War 



197 



200 



201 
204 



Contents, xv 



CHAPTER Y, 

WILLIAM PITT THE ELDER, 1757-61. 

PAGE 

His early hi story^Oratory — Purity — Popularity— Courage — In- 
consistenoies — Explanation of them — His defects— Greatness 
—Enlightened policy — The result of his policy — The war at 
last unnecessary — Extinction of parties — All ready for the ex- 
plosion — Genealogy 206 



Soofe 8Fff.— BKEAK UP OF THE WHIG OLIGAECHY, 

1760-70. 

CHAPTER I. 

PERIOD OF BUTE, 17^0-65. 

Section 1. — George III. 

His education— Character— Defects— The hopes at his accession-— 
His theory of kingship— Mistakes— Policy— The " Kmg^s 
Friends'*— George's false position— Disunion of the Whig 
party— The new Tory party ^^^ 

Section 2. — Pitt and Newcastle, 1760-62. 

The judges— Bute— The Family Compact -Pitt's views— Resigna- 
tion of Pitt— Temporary unpopularity of Pitt— War with Spain 
—Revolutions in Russia -Withdrawal of the Prussian sub- 
sidy— Resignation of Newcastle -^^ 

Section S.Sute, 1762-63. 

Bute's Cabinet— The Peace of Paris— Results of the peace— Feeling 
against the peace— Treaty of Hubertsburg- Corruption— The 
Cider Tax— Fall of Bute— End of Fox ^^^ 

Section 4. — George Grenville, 1763-66. 

Bute's mistake— Character of Grenville- Sections of the Whigs— 
The Bedford Ministry— The North BWioti-TheJ3eneral War- 
rant— The "Essay on Woman"— Wilkes' flight— Popular excite- 
ment—Outlawry of Wilkes— Popularity of Cumberland- Com- 
mercial measures— TheJ^mp_Act-Popular excitement^The 
Bg gency A ct— George intrigues against Grenville . . . ^^^ 



xvi Contents, 



CHAPTER II. 

THE KOCKINGHAM MINISTRY, 1765-66. 

PAGE 

The Ministry — Its reforms — Its weakness . . . . • 235 

CHAPTER III. 

THE GRAFTON MINISTRY, 1766-70. 

Section 1. — Chatharrif 1766-67. 

The Ministry — Mistakes and diflSculties — Foreign policy — Home 

policy — Break-up — American Tea Tax 237 

Section 2.— Grafton, 1767-70. 

I'he Ministry— Nullum Tempus Bill — General election — Wilkes 
elected for Middlesex — Is imprisoned — Is expelled — Declared 
incapable of sitting — America — Bedford's motion — Incomplete 
repeal — Fall of Grafton's Ministry — Resignation of Grafton — 
Triumph of the king — Survey of the first period and its 
results 239 

Section 3. — Radicalism. 

The Society of Friends of the People — Sympathy with the French 

Revolution — Reaction on the Whigs 245 

Section 4i. — The Letters of Junius. 

Their authorship — Character — Junius' narrow views — Letter to the 

Duke of Grafton — Letter to the king— Junius' public spirit . 246 



JSoofe 2?H.— PEKSONAL GOVEENMENT OF 
GEOKGE III, 1770-82. 

• CHAPTER I. 

THE AMERICAN WAR, 1760-83. 

Section 1. — The American Colonies, 1760-64. 

The New England Colonies— The Middle Colonies— The Southern 
Colonies— Disunion of the colonies— Loyalty to England- 
Commercial grievance— Impetus to separation- Grenville's 
plan for a colonial army— Justice of the Stamp Tax- Mis- 
management— The question became a struggle for liberty 249 



Contents. xvii 



Section 2. — Drifting into Wary 1764-75. 

PAGE 

The early steps— Boston Massacre — Hatchinson's letters — Wed- 
derburn's attack on Franklin — The Indian Tea Bill — Boston 
Mohawks — Boston Port Bill — Massachusetts — Charter Bill — 
Energetic measures of the colonists — Public opinion in 
England 254 

Section 3. — The War with America^ 1775-77. 

Battle of Lexington — Outbreak of war — Banker's Hill — Declaration 
of Independence — English plan of campaign — Its failure — Sur- 
render of Burgoyne ......... 258 

' Section 4. — The General Wa/t\ 1777-83. 

Treaty with France— Death of Chatham — General maritime war — 
Campaign in South Carolina — Surrender of York Town — 
Disasters of England — Arrogance of the French — Triumph of 
England — Treaty of Versailles 259 



CHAPTER II. 

INDIA, 1773-83. 

Lord North's Regulating Act — Warren Hastings — Strife between 
Francis and Hastings — Execution of Nuncomar — War — 
Hastings' success — Robbery of Cheyte Sing— The Begums of 
Oude — Greatness and crimes of Hastings — Parliamentary in- 
terference ... 263 



CHAPTER III. 
IRELAND, 1779-82. 

The Church — Proscription of the Catholics — Absenteeism and op- 
pression — Commerce — Government — Misery of the country — 
Yolunreers — Commercial equality — Legislative independence , 266 



CHAPTER IV. 

EVENTS IN ENGLAND, 1770-82. 

Section I.— Lord North, 1770-80. 

Strength of the Government— Lord North— Influence of the king 
—Repressive policy of George— The Indian Nabobs— Corrup- 
tion— Election petitions— Rotten boroughs— Bribery . . 269 

Section 2.— Lord North's Foreign Policy y 1770-72. 
The Falkland Islands— The Partition of Poland .... 272 



a 







xviii Contents. 



Section 3. — Lord North's Ministry, 1770-80. 

PAGE 

Privilege — Reporting— End of Wilkes— Royal Marriage Act — 
Wilkes' Reform Bill — Lord North wishes to resign — Death of 
Chatham — Catholics — The Gordon Riots — Vigorous action of 
the king ... 273 

SecUon 4.— Fall of Lord North, 1779-82. 

Opposition to North — Motion for economical reform — Dunning's 

motion — Fall of the Ministry — Results 275 

Section 5. — Results of George's Personal Government . \ . 276 



JSoofe ?Pffi.— FIKAL STKUGGLE WITH THE WHIGS, 

1782-84. 

■■■ f '■•■ 
CHAPTER I. 

TEMPORARY FAILURE OF THE KING, 1782-83. 

Section 1. — The Second Rockingham Ministry, 1782. 

The two parties of the Opposition — The king's intrigues and their 
failure — The Rockingham Place Bill — Quarrel between Fox 
and Shelburne 278 

Section 2. — The Shelburne Ministry, 1782-83. 
The Ministry — The Peace of Versailles — Factious opposition . . " 280 

Section 3. — The Unnatural Coalition, 1783. /. 

The Ministry — The Opposition— Shock to public feeling— The India 
Bill — Violence of the measure — Arguments for the Bill — Un- 
constitutional action of the king 280 

CHAPTER II. 

STRUGGLE BETWEEN PITT AND FOX, 1783-84. 

Triumph of Pitt— Real triumph of the king 283 

CHAPTER III. 

MEN OP THE TIME. 

< Section 1. — Edmund Burhe. 

Two phases of his life— Early career— War in America— The 



Contents. ' xix 



PAGE 



Rockingham Ministry— The coalition— Warren Hastings — 
Burke's character— Political views— Mistakes— " Thoughts on 
the causes of the present discontent " . ... 284 

Section 2. — Charles James Fox. 
His early life— Character— Political work— His great defect . , 287 



JSoofe »)^\— THE YOUNGER PITT, 1784—1806. 

1 

CHAPTER I. 

EARLY MEASURES, 1784-89. 

Financial measures— India Bill— Reform Bill— Impeachment of 
Hastings— The slave-trade — The Regency Bill — Foreign policy 
— Industrial development 289 

CHAPTER II. 

I.) ■ 

WILLIAM PITT. 

Early career— The Whig Ministries, 1782-83— Struggle with North 
and Fox — His early liberal views— Change after 1792 — Pitt's 
foreign policy 293 

CHAPTER III. 

THE PEENCH BE VOLUTION, 1789-98. 

Section 1. — Shetch of the Revolution, 1789-95. 

Course of the revolution— The Revolutionary War — Successes of 

France 296 

I 

Section 2. — Effects of the Revolution in England. 

Feeling in England — Uncertainty of opinion — Pitt's hopes at first 
— His peaceable views — Burke's change of opinion— His frenzy 
against the revolution— Fox favours the revolution — The 
Radical clubs — Burke's "Reflections" — Badical manifestoes 
— Feeling against the Radicals — The two new parties — New 
-y. Tory party — New Whig party— Unfortunate results of the 
revolutionary violence— Peaceful views of Pitt till 1792 — 
Drifting into hostility — On guard, January, 1793 . . ,297 

a 2 



XX ' Contents. 



Section 3. — Causes and Justice of the War. 

PAGE 

Mistakes of the Jacobins— Violent conduct towards England — 
Opening the Scheldt— Exec at ion of Louis XVI.— The war was 
just, but perhaps inexpedient 305 

Section 4i. — The First Coalition, 1793-97. 

Expulsion of the Coalition from Belgium — French conquest of 
Holland — True meaning of the war to England — Naval and 
colonial successes — Failure of Quiberon expedition — Overtures 
for peace refused by France — Italian campaign — Peace of 
Campo Formio — Attempted invasion of England — Second at- 
tempt to invade England . 308 

Section 5. — Repressive Measures in England, 1793-97. 

General confidence in Pitt — Repressive measures — State prosecu- 
tions — Trial of Muir — Reaction against the Government — The 
English Convention — Trial and acquittal of the Convention 
' leaders — Good results — Portland joins the Ministry — Coercive 
statutes — Overtures for peace — Rise of a feeling of loyalty — 
Financial crisis — Suspension of cash payments — Spithead 
Mutiny — Mutiny at the Nore— Rise of loyal and national 
feeliug 312 



CHAPTER IV. 

UNION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND, 1782 — 1800. 

Section 1. — Necessity for the Union, 
State of Ireland — Danger of Home Rule— Necessity for the Union 319 

Section 2. — State of Ireland. 

The Parliamentary opposition— Roman Catholics— Republicans . 320 

Section S.~Drifting into Relellion, 1790-95. 
The United Irishmen— Concessions to the Catholics— The Catholics 
not satisfied— Catholic hopes excited by Fitzwilliam— Dashed 
by Camden •-....... 321 

Section 4. — The Rebellion, 1795-98. 

Outbreakof war— Cruelties of the yeomanry— Arrest of the rebel 
leaders— Failure of theFrencJi expedition— Vigorous measures 
of the Government— Suppression of the rebellion . . . 323 

Section 6.— The Union, 1798-1800. 

Lord Comwallis— Determines to effect the Union— The Union 

Act of Union • . . . 00 e 

• • • • . oZo 



CON-TEt/TS, Xxi 



CHAPTER V. 

THE SECOND COALITION, 1798-1801. 

PAGE 

Egyptian expedition — Battle of the Nile — Second Coalition — De- 
feat of Napoleon in Syria — The Consulate — Campaign of 1800 
— The Armed Neutrality — Its break-up - Peace of Amiens * 327 

CHAPTER YI. ; 

EVENTS AT BOME, 1798-1801. 

Popularity of George — Enthusiasm of the people against France — 
Distress — Consequent change of feeling — C^-tholic question — 
Resignation of Pitt , . 330 



CHAPTER VII. 

MINISTRY OF ADDING TON, 1801-4. 

Pitt — Reasons for Addington— Insolence of Napoleon— i^apoleon's 
quarrel with the English press— Sebastiani's report— War 
declared— Napoleon's measures — Patriotic enthusiasm in 
England— Desire for Pitt's return— Addington resigns . . 333 

CHAPTER VIII. 

SECOND MINISTRY OF PITT, 1804-6. 

Formation of the Ministry— Factious conduct of Fox— Vigorous 
measures — Formation of the Coalition — Ill-success of England 
—Death of Pitt . ... .... 337 



jSoofe f .—FINAL STEUGGLE BETWEEN ENGLAND 

AND FRANCE. 1803-15. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ARGUMENT. 



Retrospect of the eighteenth century— Colonial dreams of Napoleon / 

— True meaning of the war— Curtain . . . • 340 



xxii Contents, 



CHAPTER II. 

THE NAPOLEONIC WARS, 1805-14. 

Bectioth l.—The Third CoaUtion, 1805-7. 

PAGE 

Failure of the invasion plan — Destruction of Austria— Destruc- 
tion of the French marine —Fox's failure — Prussian campaign 
— The continental system— Its failure — Russian campaign — 
' Weak English policy— Partition of Europe— Seizure of the 

Danish fleet 343 

Section 2.— T/ie Feninsula/r War, 1807-14. 

The Spanish rising — Character and importance of the war — Early 
days— Campaign of 1809— of 1810— of 1811— of 1812— End of 
the war ...» 347 



CHAPTER III. 

HOME APFAIKS, 1806-12. 

Section 1. — Ministry of All the Talents, 1806-7. 

The Ministry — Death of Fox — Abolition of the slave-trade — Blun- 
ders — The greatest blunder ....... 350 

t 
\ i_ . . 

Section 2. — The Portland Ministry, 1807-9. 

Weakness — Difficulties — Quarrel between Canning and Castlereagh 352 

Section 3. — The Perceval Ministry, 1809-12. 

Difficulties — Regency — Assassination of Perceval — Reform ^— 

Catholic relief . • , 352 

Section 4:.— War with America, 1812-13. 
Quarrel with America — American revenge — The war . . - 354 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE RESETTLEMENT OF EUROPE, 1814-15. 

Retreat from Moscow — Napoleon abdicates — Reconstitufcion of 
France— Congress of Vienna — Reactionary views of the 
Powers — Views of England and France — Of Russia and 
Prussia — Of Austria — Waterloo campaign — The Second Treaty 

, of Paris — Final settlement of Europe — The Holy Alliance . 356 



Contents. 



xxiii 



CHAPTER Y. 

INDIA, 1784-1810. 

Section 1. — Lord CormvalliSf 1784-93. 

Pitt's India Bill — Second Mysore War — Sir John Shore . 



PAGE 

361 



Section 2.— Lord Wellesley, 1798-1805. 

Third Mysore War— The subsidiary alliance system — The Mahratta 
War — War with Holkar — Sir George Barlow's settlement- 
Disastrous results— Capture of the Mauritius .... 362 

EPILOGUE. 

GEORGE IV. — REGENT AND KING. 

Section 1. — George IV. 
Character — Mrs. Fitzherbert — Princess Caroline— Filial conduct . 365 

Section 2.— The Old Tory Government, 1812-22. 

Liverpool Ministry — Prime Minister Liverpool — Lord Chancellor 
Eldon — Foreign Secretary Castlereagh — His despotic princi- 
ples — The leader of the Opposition — The future Foreign 
Minister — His policy — Early days of the Ministry — Great in- 
crease of manufactures — Inventions — Improved means of car- 
riage—High profits of landowners — Distress of agricultural 
labourers — Distress of artisans — Mistakes of the Ministry — 
Sedition— Repressive measures — The Six Acts — Signs of a 
reaction — Death of Castlereagh ... ... 366 

Section 3. — Free Trade, Toleration, and Reform, 1822-32. 

Reform movements — Growth of Free Trade — Motions for Catholic 
relief— Catholic emancipation — Motions for reform— The Re- 
form struggle— The Reform Bill, 1832 . . . . . 374 

Table 1. — The Regency . . . . ... . . . 378 

Table 2.— George IV. 379 

Table 3.— William IV. 379 

Index 381 



\ 



TABLES. 



The Protestant succession and the pretenders 

The Hanoverian kings 

Contemporary princes . 

Archbishops 

Chancellors . 

First Lords of the Treasury 

Chancellors of the Exchequer 

Secretaries of State 

Growth of the English colonies 

The descendants of Louis XIV. of France 

The descendants of Philippe Y. of Spain 

The Fox genealogy . . . . 

The Pitt and Grenville genealogy 



PAGE 
XXV 

xxvi 
xxvii 
xxviii 
xxviii 
xxviii 
xxix 
xxix 
xxxi 
21 
26 
176 
212 



NOTES. 



A. The Bill of Rights . 

B. The Act of Settlement 

C. The succession to the throne 

D. The Spanish Succession War 

E. The Darien Scheme 

F. Impeachment and attainder 

G. The Civil List . 



XXXIV 

xxxiv 

XXXV 
XXXV 

xxxvi 
xxxvi 
xxxvi 



Protestant Succession and the Pretenders, xxv 



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XXVI 



Tables. 





•. • •.■■■»•. 


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dolpbus Frederic, 
Duke of 
Cambridge 
d. 1860. 

George, 
uke of Cambridge. 






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b. 1660; 
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Contemporary Princes. 



xxvu 



^-.v. 






Vo 



CONTEMPOEARY PRINCES. 



1643 
1715 
1774 
1793 

1804 
1814 
1824 



1711 
1742 

1745 

1765 
1790 
1792 



1700 
1746 
1759 
1788 

1808 

1813 



FroAice, 

Louis XIV. 
Louis XY. 
Louis XYI. 
Republic. 
Napoleon. 
Louis XYIII. 
Ctarles X. 

Germany. 

Charles YI. 
Charles YII. 
Francis I. 
Marie Therese 
Joseph II. 
Leopold II. 
Francis II. 

Spain. 

Philippe Y. 

Ferdinand YI. 

Charles 111. 

Charles lY. 
C Ferdinand YII. 
\ Interregnum. 

Ferdinand YII. 



Prussia. 

1713 Frederic William I. 
1740 Frederic II. 



1786 Frederic William II. 
1797 Frederic William III. 

Russia. 

1689 Peter the Great. 
1725 Catherine I. 
1727 Peter II. 
1730 Anne. 

1740 IvanYL 

1741 Elizabeth. 
1 7fto f Peter III. 
-^^'^'^i Catherine IL 
1796 PaulL . 
1801 Alexander. 
1825 Nicholas. 

Sweden. 

1697 Charles XII. 
1 ^on f Erederic I. 
^^^^luirique. 
1751 Adolf. 
1771 Gustavus III. 
1792 Gustavus lY. 
1809 Charles XIII. 
1818 Charles XIY. 

Denmark. 

1699 Frederic lY. 

1730 Christian YL 

1746 Frederic Y. ' 

1766 Christian Vll. 

1808 Frederic YI. 



.■■HMr 



'»,"'' 






XXVUl 



1700 Clement XI. 

1721 Innocent XIII. 

1724 Benedict XIII. 

1730 Clement XII. 

1740 Benedict XIV. 

1758 Clement XIII. 



Tables. 

Fopes, 

1769 
1775 

1800 
1823 

1829 



Clement XIV. 
Pins VI. 
Pius VII. 
Leo XII. 
Pius VIII. 



1694 Tenison. 

1715 Wake. 

1737 Potter. 

1747 Herring. 

1757 Hutton. 



ARCHBISHOPS. 



1758 Seeker. 

1768 Cornwallis. 

1783 Moore. 

1805 Manners Subton. 

1828 Howley. 



CHANCELLORS. 



1714 Cowper. 

1718 Macclesfield. 

1725 King. 

1733 Talbot, 

1737 Hardwicke. 

1757 Northington. 

1766 Camden. 

1770 5^ Charles Yorke. 
\ In Commission. 

1771 Bathurst. 



1778 Thurlow. 

1783 [ I^ougliborougli. 

(^ Thurlow. 
1793 Loughborough. 
1801 Eldon. • 

1806 Erskine. 

1807 Eldon. 
1827 Lyndhurst. 
1830 Brougham. 



FIRST LORDS OF THE TREASURY. 



1714 

1715 

1717 
1718 
1721 
1742 
1743 
1754 
1756 
1757 
1762 
1763 
1765 
1766 



Halifax. 
C Carlisle. 
I R. Walpole. 

Stanhope. 

Sunderland. 

R. Walpole. 

Wilmington. 

H. Pelham. 

Newcastle. 

Devonshire. 

Newcastle. 

Bute. 

G. Grenville. 

Rockingham. 

Grrafton. 



1770 North. 

1782 I ^ocj^ingham. 

( fehelburne. 
T h^QQ ( Portland. 
^78^ I W. Pitt. 
1801 Addington. 
1804 W.Pitt. 

1806 Grenville. 

1807 Portland. 
1809 Perceva^ 
1812 Liverpool. 
Ig27 C Canning. 

i (Aug.) Godench. 
1828 Wellington. 
1830 Grey. 



Secretaries of State. 



XXIX 



CHANCELLORS OF THE EXCHEQUER. 



1715 R. Walpole. 

1717 Stanhope. 

1718 Aislabie. 
1721 R. Walpole. 

1742 Sandys. 

1743 H. Pelham. 

1764 Legge. 

1755 Lyttelton. 

1756 Legge. 

1761 Barrington. 

1762 Dashwood. 

1763 G. Grenville. 

1765 Dowdeswell. 

1766 C. Townshend. 

1767 ISTortli. 



17821 

1783 I 

1801 
1804 
1806 
1807 
1812 
1823 

1827 ( 

1828 
1830 



Cavendish. 

W. Pitt. 

Cavendish. 

W. Pitt. 

Addington. 

W. Pitt. 

Petty. 

Perceval. 

Yanaittart. 

Robinson. 

Canning. 

(Aug.) Herries. 

Groulbnrn. 

Althorp. 



SECRETARIES OF STATE. 
(By Mb. A. B. Beaven, of Pbeston.) 



Northern Department. 
1714 Yiscount Townshend. 

1716 General (afterwards Earl) 

Stanhope. 

1717 Earl of Sunderland. 

1718 Earl Stanhope.^ 
1721 Yiscount Townshend. 
1730 Lord (afterwards Earl of) 

Harrington. 
1746 Earl of Chesterfield. 
1748 Duke of ISTewcastle. 
1754 Earl of Holdemess. 

1761 Earl of Bute. 

1762 (May) George Grenville. 
1762 (Oct.) Earl of Halifax. 

1765 Duke of Grafton. 

1766 General Conway. 

1768 (Jan.)YiscountWeymoath. 
1768 (Oct.) Earl of Rochford. 

1770 Earl of Sandwich. 

1771 (Jan.) Earl of Halifax.' 
1771 (June) Earl of Suffolk.^ 
1779 Yiscount Stormont. 

Southern Department. 
1714 General Stanhope. 

1 Died in office. 



1716 Paul Methuen. 

1717 Joseph Addison. 

1718 James Craggs.^ 
1721 Lord Carteret. 
1724 Duke of Newcastle. 
1748 Duke of Bedford. 
1751 Earl of Holderness. 

1754 Sir Thomas Robinson. 

1755 Henry Fox. 

1756 William Pitt. 
1761 Earl of Egremont.* 
1763 Earl of Sandwich. 

1765 General Conway. 

1766 (May) Duke of Richmond. 
1766 (July) Earl of Shelburne. 
1768 (Oct.)YiscountWeymouth. 
1770 Earl of Rochford. 

1775 Yiscount Weymouth. 
1779 Earl of Hillsborough. 

Americo/n Department^ 
1768 Earl of Hillsborough. 
1772 Earl of Dartmouth. 

1776 Lord George Germain e. 
1782 (B^eb.) William Ellis- 

2 Office abolished, March, 1782. 



XXX 



Tables. 



The NortJiern Secretary attended to the affairs of Denmark, 
Planders, Germany, Holland, Poland, Saxony, Prussia, Eussia, 
Sweden, and the Baltic. 

The Southern Secretary's department included France, Portugal, 
Spain, Switzerland, Italy, the Barbary States, and Turkey.; 

The affairs of the Colonies fi'om 1782 to 1801 were transacted at 
the Home Office ; transferred to the War Office in 1801. 



Home SecretaHes. 
1782 (Mar.) Earl of Shelbume, 

1782 (July) Thomas Townshend 

(afterwards Lord Sydney) 

1783 (April) Lord North. 
1783 (Dec.) Lord Sydney. 
1789 William Grenville (after- 

wards Lord Grenville). 
1791 Henry Dundas. 
1794 Duke of Portland. 
1801 Lord Pelham. 

1803 Charles Yorke. 

1804 Lord Hawkesbury. 

1806 Earl Spencer. 

1807 Lord Hawkesbury (after- 

wards Earl of Liverpool). 
1809 Eichard Eyder. 
1812 Viscount Sidmouth. 
1822 Eobert Peel. 

1827 (April) William Sturges- 

Bourne. 
1827 (July) Marquis of Lans- 
downe. 

1828 Eobert Peel. 

1830 Viscount Melbourne. 

Foreign Secretaries. 
1782 (Mar.) Charles James Pox. 

1782 (July) Lord Grantham. 

1783 (April) Charles James Fox, 
1783 (Dec. 19) Earl Temple. 
1783 (Dec. 23) Marquis of Car- 

^ marthen (afterwards 
Duke of Leeds). 



1791 
1801 
1804 
1805 
1806 
1806 
1807 
1809 
1809 
1812 



1822 
1827 
1828 
1830 



Lord Grenville. 

Lord Hawkesbury, 

Lord Harrowby. 

Lord Mulgrave. 

(Feb.) Charles James Fox.^ 

(Sept.) Viscount Howick. 

George Canning. 

(Oct.) Earl Bathurst. 

(Dec.) Marquis Wellesley. 

Viscount Castlereagh ^ 

(afterwards Marquis of 

Londonderry). 
George Canning. 
Earl Dudley. 
Earl of Aberdeen. 
Viscount Palmerston. 



Secretary of State for War. 
1794-1801 Henry Dundas. 

S ecretaries of State for War am.d 

the Colonies. 
1801 Lord Hobart. 

1804 Earl Camden. 

1805 Viscount Castlereagh. ' 

1806 William Windham. 

1807 Viscount Castlereagh. 
1809 Earl of Liverpool, 
1812 Earl Bathurst. 

1827 (April) Viscount Goderich. 

1827 (Aug.)WiUiamHuskisson. 

1828 Sir George Murray. 
1830 Viscount Goderich (after- 
wards Earl of Eipon). 



^ Died in office. 



Growth of the English Colonies. 



XXXI 



GROWTH OF THE El^TGLISH COLONIES. 

The possessions of England in 1714 were : — 
In India . 



In North America 



A small district in Bengal, the town and 
island of Bombay, Madras, and Fort St. 
David. 
The coastline from Florida to Nova Scotia, 
and extending inland to the Alleghany 
Mountains ; Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, 
Hudson's Bay. 
In the West Indies . Jamaica, Barbadoes, Bahamas, Montserrat, 

Bermudas, St. Christopher, Antigua, 
' Nevis, Anguilla, St. Kitls. 
In South America . Small colony in Guiana and Honduras. 
In Africa . . Cape Coast Castle. 

In the Atlantic . St. Helena. ^ 

In Europe . Gibraltar, Minorca, 



is .- 



xxxu 



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Growth of the English Colonies, xxxiii 



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xxxiv ' Notes, 



. NOTES 
A. 

The Bill of Eights, 1688, 1689. 

1. The power of suspending laws is illegal. 

2. The power of dispensing laws as claimed by James II. is 
illegal (thus leaving the poWer of pardon untouched). 

3. James II. 's Ecclesiastical Court and all courts like it are 
illegal. 

4. Keeping a standing army in peace is illegal unless Parlia- 
ment gives its consent. (From 1689 Parliament has usually given 
its consent annually in the Mutiny Act.) 

5. Eaisiog taxes without consent of Parliament is illegal. 
(Taxes from this time were usually voted annually, in order that 
Parliament might retain the control of them.) 

6. Subjects have a right to petition the king. 

7. Elections to Parliament ought to be conducted freely. 

8. Nothing said in Parliament ought to be questioned out of 
Parliament. 

9. Parliaments ought to be held frequently. 

10. William and Mary are declared King and Queen of 
England. The crown is to go to their heirs, and then to Anne 
and her heirs. 

11. No Papist or person married to a Papist can sit on the 
throne of England. 

B. 

The Act of Settlement, 1701. 

1. The Crown was to pass on the death of Anne to the Electress 
Sophie of Hanover and her Protestant descendants. 

2. The sovereign was not" to leaVe England without the consent 
of Parliament (repealed 1716). 

3. No foreigner was to hold office or I'eceive grants from the 
Crown. 

4. Public business was to be done only with the consent of the 
Privy Council, and all resolutions of the Privy Council were to be 
signed by those members who approved of them. (Intended to 
destroy Cabinet Government, and revive the power of the Privy 
Council. Repealed 4 Anne.) 

6. England was not to be dragged into any war on account of 
the foreign dominions of her kings. 

^6. Jadges were to receive fixed salaries, and were not to be re- 
moved from their offices except on conviction of some offence, or 
on the address of both Houses of Parliament. 

7. No person holding any place of profit under the Crown shall 



Notes. xxxv 

be able to retain bis seat in Parliament. (Repealed 4 Anne. 6 
Anne prescribed that amj member of Parliament accepting office 
under the Crown must seek re-election.) 

r ■ • - 1 ■ 

**• Succession to the Throne. 

: -Tbe old rule of succession totbe Crown during tbe Anglo-Saxon 
period, was tbat tbe wortbiest and fittest member of tbe royal 
family was selected by tbe Witan or National Council. Usually 
a regular foi*m of election was gone tbrougb. Tbis rule was pre- 
served by the Normans. All tbe early Norman and Plantagenet 
kings were selected by tbe Witan,^ — in many cases witb an utter 
disregard for tbe rule of hereditary rigbt. On tbis principle 
Stephen, Henry lY., Edward lY., Eicbard III., Henry YII., 
were elected to the throne, though in no case were they the direct 
heirs of their predecessors. The election, therefore, of William 
III. by the Bill of Rights, and of the Hanoverian line by the Act 
of Settlement, was strictly in accordance with the regular custom. 
From 1701, however, tbe rule of succession in England, as by law 
established, is tbat of hereditary right in tbe Hanoverian family, 
limited only by the rule that the sovereign must conform to the 
Church of England. , .,:,|. 

D. 

The Spanish Succession War. 

in 1700 tbe King of Spain died childless, leaving all bis terri- 
tories to the Duke of Anjou, Philippe, the second grandson of 
Louis XIY. of France. The European Powers, considering that 
such a vast acquisition would dangerously aggrandize France, 
combined to wrest tbe greater part of them away from Philippe, to ' 
confer them on the Archduke Charles of Austria, brother of the 
Emperor Joseph I. Their success was so striking that they 
would probably have compelled Louis to order Philippe to surren- 
der Spain. The accession of Charles to the empire on the death 
of his brother rendered it as dangerous to give him tbe whole 
Spanish dominions as to allow Philippe to keep them. A Tory 
Ministry, moreover, determined on peace, bad succeeded the warlike 
Whig Ministry of the early years of Anne. Peace was therefore 
concluded at Utrecht, by which tbe Spanish dominions were divided 
between Charles and Philippe, — Philippe obtaining Spain itself. 

E. '■'; 

The Darien Scheme, 1698, 1699. 
Tbis was a scheme started by a Scotchman named Paterson 



XXXvi JVOTES, 

— 

for the colonization of the Isthmus of Darien, with the view to 
establishing a short cut for the Eastern trade across the isthmus 
to Europe. A company was formed to carry this idea out. It 
was sure, however, to lead to complications with Spain and Hol- 
land, in which England would have to bear the burden of the war. 
The king therefore strongly disapproved. An attempt, however, 
was made to colonize Darien. The colonists speedily got em« 
broiled with the Spaniards, and after suffering severely were 
obliged to abandon the settlement. The Scots attributed the 
whole disaster to the jealousy of England, and much ill-feeling 
was created between the two countries. 

F. 

Impeachment. 

This is the prosecution of an offender by the Commons in 
Parliament before the Lords, who act as judges, the judicial power 
of Parliament having been declared to lie with the Upper House 
alone in 1399. The Commons first decide whether the offender 
shall be impeached, which question is debated and voted on by the 
whole House. They then deliver the accusation at the bar of the 
Lords, adducing evidence of the offender's guilt. Impeachment 
was usually reserved for great political offenders, whom it was 
difficult to attack otherwise. 

Attaindeb. 

A Bill of Attainder is a Bill passed by Parliament condemning 
any person to suffer death, forfeiture of his property, and corrupt 
tion of blood, so that it was impossible for any one to inherit any- 
thing throi^h him. Bills of Attainder were usually made use of 
to attack offenders whose guilt was notorious, but against whom 
it was impossible to procure legal evidence, for it was not necessary 
to adduce any evidence or hear any defence on a Bill of Attain- 
der, though both those formalities were necessary to an impeach- 
ment. 

G. 

The Civil List 

was first established at the accession of William and Mary for 
the support of the royal household, the personal expenses of the 
kmg, and the payment of civil offices and pensions. It therefore 
comprised at once the personal expenditure of the king, and many 
other items which we should consider more properly belonged to 
the expenditure of the nation. It was defrayed partly by excise 
duties, and partly by the hereditary revenues of the Crown. 



J^ 



OUE HANOYEEIAN KINGS, 



tSoofe I.— STANHOPE, 1714—1721, 



CHAPTER I. 

4 

INTRODUCTIOK". 

Section 1. — The End of Anne, 

The last years of Anne were, unlike tlie earlier ones, devoted 
to peace and the settlement of the great question 
whether a Protestant or a CathoHc dynasty should sion question 
reign in England. The importance of this had been 
already felt when it became evident that William III. would not 
marry again, and when the death of the Duke of Gloucester, the 
last survivor of Anne's numerous children, destroyed the remain- 
ing hopes of the nation. It became necessary to look elsewhere for 
a Protestant heir, for the temper of the people was such at this 
time that no Catholic had the faintest chance of attaining the 
throne. The principle upon which Parliament proceeded was 
the old constitutional custom of succession, dating from the 
Anglo-Saxon monarchies, viz. the selection of the fittest- 
member of the royal family. They passed over all the CathoHcs, 
and chose the nearest Protestant representative as the most 
suitable heir to the throne. This choice was embodied in the 
Act of Settlement, 1701, which declared that if the heirs of 
William and Anne should fail, the crown should descend to the 
Electress Sophie of Hanover, and through her to her heirs, 
provided they continued Protestants. None of the descendants 
of Charles I. possessed the necessary qualification ; for besides 
James, the " Old Pretender," there were only the children of 

B 



.Introduction, 



the Catholic Duchess of Orleans, Henriette Marie, the youngest 
daughter of Charles. Parliament therefore was obliged to look 
still further back, and pick out among the immediate heirs of 
James I. a fresh stock from which to perpetuate the succession. 
Elizabeth, the third child of James I., had married in 1613, 
Frederic, Count Palatine of the Ehine. He was 
'^^th*^^*^ that Frederic whose unfortunate ambition led him 

Palatinate. ^^^^ accepting the crown of Bohemia in 1619, and 

thus exposed him to the vengeance of Ferdinand 
11. of Austria and the Empire who regarded it as the hereditary- 
appanage of his own family. The realm of Bohemia proved 
only a winter-kingdom for the unfortunate prince, and early in 
the following year Frederic's hereditary dominions, the Palati- 
nate, were overrun by his enemies and given to his deadliest 
foe, the Duke of Bavaria. From this time Elizabeth led a 
chequered career. She appears in the wars that followed like 
some beautiful and distressed princess of the old chivalrous 
days, for whose defence gallant knights and gentlemen flocked 
from the four winds of heaven, and accounted themselves amply 
rewarded for their toils and dangers if they received the smallest 
token of her favour from " the Queen of Hearts." The age of 
chivalry, however, had really gone by. Providence had begun 
to fight steadily " on the side of the big battalions." So the 
heroic champions of the Lady Elizabeth only wasted their gal- 
lantry and daring uselessly against the dark wiry infantry of 
Spain. The Peace of Westphalia, 1648, it is true, restored a 
portion of the Palatinate to the heir of the unlucky Frederic ; 
but this was not until the war had lost its early chivalrous and 
religious character, and degenerated into a struggle on the part 
of Sweden and France to enrich themselves at the expense of 
the Empire, and on the part of Austria to retain her pre-eminence 
in that body. 

. Frederic and Elizabeth were the progenitors of a laro-e 
family, among whom the Princes Eupert and Maurice have le'ft 
names famous in English history as Eoyalist cavalry officers in 
the Civil Wars. More important to us, however, was a certain 

Electress ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^' ^^® twelfth in a family of 

Sophie of thirteen, who eventually became the Electress 

Hanover. Sophie of Hanover. She was born at the Hague 

in 1630; and was married to Ernest, titular 
Bishop of Osnabruck and Duke of Brunswick-Luneburo". The 
duke was created Elector of Hanover by the emperor f orttaunck 



The Electress Sophie, 



adherence to the House of Austria during the long wars with 
Louis XIV. of France. On his death he was succeeded by his 
son, George Louis, who later became our George L Sophie in- 
herited her mother's wonderful beauty, and was additionally 
endowed with an even temper and a capacity for the highest 
culture, which had been exercised to the utmost. She was 
equally well versed in English, French, Dutch, German, and 
Italian. She was far-sighted enough to see that it would be 
extremely difficult for a ruler, brought up in the absolutist prin- 
ciples of the Continent, to fulfil the position of an English king, 
from whom, it was beginning to be recognized even out of 
England, the chief thing required was a capacity for assimi- 
lating and acting on the views of others. At first, therefore, she 
was by no means eager for the English succession. She, how- 
ever, made no difficulty in accepting the Act of Settlement, and 
later it even became her dearest wish that she might have 
" Queen of England" written after her name. This wish, how- 
ever, was destined not to be gratified, for she died exactly eight 
weeks before the English throne fell vacant. Undoubtedly her 
decease was a fortunate thing for England, for had she survived 
Queen Anne, her reign, owing to her advanced age^ could have 
"been but short, and two successions coming so close together 
must have still further complicated the dangerous state of affairs 
which followed the death of Anne. Her peculiar philosophic 
and rather freethinking views, moreover, would have accorded 
ni with the orthodoxy of her subjects. 

The last few days of Anne's reign were a period during which 
the fate of England seemed wavering in the ^ . -u ^ , 
balance. Of the two chiefs of the Tory Govern- schemes, 
ment which was then ruling England, Lord 
Bolingbroke had probably committed hitoseK to the Jacobite 
cause to some extent, and was certainly bent on giving a pre- 
ponderating influence in the country to the Tory and High 
Church interest. Harley, Earl of Oxford, whose iaclination 
was towards the Low Church party and even the Dissenters, was 
unable to agree with the extensive views of his ambitious col- 
league, while he felt his own position hardly strong enough to 
dismiss him. Bolingbroke's vigorous intellect, however, could 
not endure the vacillating policy of Harley, and the difference 
between them came to a crisis over the Schism Act, which was 
intended to exclude Dissenters entirely from the teaching pro- 
fession. This Harley was unwilling to consent to, and an angry 

B 2 



Introduction. 




dispute arose between the two Ministers. Bolingbroke, however, 
had entirely gained the ear of the queen, and, more iraportant 
still, of her favourite, Lady Masham, by his High Church views, 
jj , , ^ ,, and the result was that the queen dismissed the 
ar ey s a . ^sy^^ Treasurer, Harley, on the ground that he 
was unpunctual, untrustworthy, impolite, and frequently intoxi- 
cated. The last obstacle to Bolingbroke's schemes being thus 
[ removed, he prepared to form a Ministry wholly in the Jacobite 
interest. Determined to be no more overshadowed by the power 
of a Lord Treasurer, he decided to place that office in commis- 
sion. Before, however, anything could be done, the queen was 
taken seriously ill, and from that illness she never really re- 
^ covered. "And it is a remarkable proof," says Lord Mahon, 
'^ of the bad opinion commonly entertained of her Majesty's 
counsels, and of the revolutionary result anticipated from them, 
that the Funds rose considerably on the first tidings of her 
danger, and fell again on a report of her recovery.'' 

The return of the Duke of Marlborough at this moment 

seemed to Bolingbroke fraught with omens of 

WMffs^ *^® danger ; for the cautious disposition of that great, 

though erring, man was too well known for it to 
be imagined that he would move in an uncertain cause. The 
treatment, moreover, which he had received from the Tories had 
been far too humiliating to leave any doubt that he would throw 
his great influence on the side of Hanover, and this would weigh 
heavily among the veterans. Bolingbroke and the Jacobites, 
stunned by this sudden crisis, were unable to act as the occasion 
required. The Whigs took advantage of their indecision to 
mature their own plans. Stanhope and Marlborough prepared 
the army, and stood in readiness to seize the Tower, arrest the 
principal Jacobites, and gain the outports, on the demise of the 
queen. Violence, however, was rendered unnecessary by the 
prompt action of the Duke of Shrewsbury. 
Thfi tiuVa nf ^^^^^ Talbot,' Duke of Shrewsbury, had been 

Skrewsbry ^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ *^^ ^^^igs of the Eevolution of 

1688; subsequently, in common with many of 
the great men of the time, he was convicted of treasonable cor- 
respondence with the Stuarts ; later, he so far receded from his 
first political creed, as to assist Queen Anne in t?€i^ to rid 
^ herself of the Whigs and rule by means of the Tories. This as 
^ may well be imagined, had given him the confidence of the 

Tories and a seat in the Ministry. jSTow, however, he reo>retted 




Death of Anne, 5 



i> 



I'ACW*^ 



the false step he had made, aud determined to retrace it. He 
was sincerely attached to the Hanoverian succession, and he 
took advantage of his position in Bolingbroke's Ministry to 
thwart his leader's Jacobite plans. "With this view he secretly 
concerted measures with the great Whig leaders, the Dukes of 
Argyle and Somerset. In consequence, these two peers sud- 
denly appeared in the Privy Council, and, offering their assist- 
ance, proposed that Shrewsbury should be appointed Lord High 
Treasurer. Bolingbroke, with rage gnawing at his heart, did 
not dare refuse, and the will of the Council was confirmed by 
the dying queen. " Use it for the good of my people," were 
almost her last words, as she delivered the white staff of office 
into the hands of Shrewsbury. This made him master of the 
situation. A large fleet was put to sea ; Portsmouth strongly 
garrisoned; bodies of troops assembled in London; and the 
Elector of Hanover was warned to hold himself in readiness to 
cross the sea at a moment's notice. 

Then, on the 1st of August, 1714, the great Death of 
event, which had been expected with such Anne, Aug. 1, 
different hopes and fears, occui'red — the queen 1714. 
died I 

The decisive action of the Whig leaders, however, had averted 
all danger^ BuKngbroke did not venture to move. The 
government was entrusted to the seven great officers named in 
the "statute, and to eighteen other Whig lords 
nominated by the Elector, who were to form a ^^0^6 1^ ^^ 
Council of Kegency, with the title Lords Justices. 
Erom this list the name of Marlborough was excluded, no 
doubt owing to the personal jealousy of George, who had become 
acquainted with Marlborough's commandiag intellect during the 
Wars of the Spanish Succession, and perhaps feared in him a 
military Eichelieu. All difficulties seemed now smoothed away. 
Parliament was to sit for six months longer. A Civil List of 
700,000Z. was voted without opposition. The new kiQg was 
acknowledged by Louis XIY. himself m a personal letter to the 
Lords Justices. Lastly, on the 18th September, George himself 
and his eldest son arrived in England. 



. Introduction. 



Section 2. — George I. and the Pretender, 

* 

James Francis Edward, the "Old Pretender." or the 

"Chevalier de St. George," was the son of 
The Pre- James II. and Mary of Modena. He was bom 

tender: ^^ 1688, under circumstances which gave rise to 

a suspicion that he was not the child of his supposed parents, 
, . , ^ but a spurious offspring, foisted on the people by 

' the Catholic advisers of James, in order to per- 

petuate a Catholic dynasty. This legend, which seems to have 
no actual foundation, acquired a certain amount of colour owing 
to the fact that James had unwisely omitted to invite to the 
birth the high officers of Church and State, whose duty it is to 
be present at such an important event. Undoubtedly, however, 
it was the general dislike to the perpetuation of the Catholip 
reforms of James that caused this improbable story to be received 
with such credence. It was currently reported and believed that 
the child had been introduced into the palace in a v)arming-pan; 
and in consequence it became the fashion for all true Whigs to 
wear little farthing warming-pans suspended from their button- 
holes on the prince's birthday. This unfortunate young man, 
exiled from his very cradle, was recognized as King of England 
by Louis XIV. on the death of James II. The Peace of Utrecht, 
however, drove him from France, and forced him to seek a refuge 

Ma character- ^ ^^^ territories of the Duke of Lorraine. At 
' St. Germains, the shelter granted to his family by 
Louis, he had been brought up as a Catholic, and educated on 
absolutist principles, which rendered him totally unfitted to fulfil 
the role of an English king, which aU his life he had aspired to. 
In him was seen the same extraordinary inability to comprehend 
existing facts and adapt himself to them, which had proved the 
ruin of his father He was unwilling to receive advice, and 
usually acted on the spur of the moment. His incapacity was 
shown by his trusting to the ambition of a man like Lord Mar 
in 1715, when Bolingbroke and the Duke of Berwick, the two 
ablest of his partisans, were opposed to any movement; his 
littleness of mind by his disgracing, for some trifling cause, 
Bolingbroke, the man who had done most for him of all his 
followers. His half-brother, Berwick, bears evidence to the 
lamentable weakness, which alone could have caused such an 
enormous blunder. James was perhaps brave, as most of the 



James and George, 



Stuarts were, but his bravery was chiefly shown in fighting in 
the French ranks against his own countrymen at Oudenarde and 
Malplaqnet. 

Still James possessed many important advantages which 
were not shared by his opponent. He was an 
Englishman. He was the natural and legitimate ^^ advan- 
heir. He was descended directly from the " Royal 
Martyr," for so the Tories regarded Charles L He was invested 
witji the superstitious reverence peculiar to the Stuarts, derived 
from their claim to the power of curing by their touch the 
terrible disease known as the "King's Evil." Moreover, a 
romantic interest attached itself to his chequered career, and 
men, who had never felt the real burden of Stuart misrule, con- 
doned the offences which had produced the Revolution, and 
magnified the few virtues of the family. James, too, was little 
known in England. He had not as yet been tried in the 
furnace, and his real incapacity for management, or receiving 
advice, had not made itself apparent. The little that was known 
of him was at least favourable. 

On the other hand, tbe little that was known of George 
was decidedly unfavourable. Even the Electress ^qq^^q j . 
Sophie herself had privately expressed her opinion 
that her son was unfitted to adapt his despotic temperament to 
the position of an English Constitutional king, and that the 
best thing would be for the Pretender to change his religion, as 
Henry lY. of France had done, and receive the crown of 
England as the price of his conversion. This opinion, however, 
was expressed before 1701, and did not prevent ^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ 
her acceptmg the provisions of the Act oi bettle- » 

ment, when offered to her for confirmation. George himself 
was a man of more virtues than accomplishments, more vices 
than virtues. He was upright, honourable, benevolent, mindful 
of services, and, above all, brave. He was assiduous in his 
attention to public business. He loved his people as much as 
he could love anything. But he had been brought up in an 
extremely simple and unostentatious manner, suitable for the 
station to which he was born, but scarcely calculated to fit him 
for the position of an English Constitutional king, who is 
possessed of little power, but is required to be magnificent and 
dignified, as befitting the nominal head of the defects • 

State. He possessed none of the family virtues, ' 

which were supposed to be the great attribute of the Stuarts. 



8 Introduction, 

His wife, SopMe Dorothee of Zell, had long been shut up 
in the dreary castle of Ahlden on a charge of unfaithfulness. 
Her place was filled by two ugly old German mistresses. ^ His 
son, afterwards George II., he regarded with such hostility, 
that, when at last he obtained the English throne, he desired 
to exclude his heir-apparent from the Eegency in his absencej 
and quarrelled with his Ministers on the subject. His personal 
appearance was insignificant in the extreme. He had a heavy 
countenance, — an awkward address. He carried economy almost 
to stmginess ; narrow-mindedness and prejudice to excess. He 
had no acquaintance with the theory^ much less the practice, 
of the British Constitution. He was incapable of speaking, or 
even understanding, the Enghsh language. It was impossible 
to hail his accession with any enthusiasm. It was impossible 
that such a king could satisfy the exaggerated feelings of 
loyalty, which had long been one of the chief traditions of the 
advantages. ^^^^ party. One advantage, however, he did 

possess, and it gave him an almost immeasurable 
strength. He was a Protestant, and the Pretender was a bigoted 
Catholic. 

There is no doubt that the majority of the English people 

did not desire a Catholic king, and would have 
against looked with horror on any the remotest prospect 

Catholicism. ' ^^ ^ Catholic restoration. It was this feeling 

which weakened the loyalty of the Tory party, 
and which had triumphed at the Eevolution of 1688 over their 
first great doctrine of passive obedience. It was this feeling 
which obliged the chief men of that party to hide the real 
extent of their schemes, and proceed with the utmost caution. 
It was this feeling which was the strongest argument in favour 
of the Hanoverian, and rendered his personal unpopularity, his 
insignificant character, and his German predilections, really of 
little account. And, even later, when his defects were better 
known, when he had shown clearly that his interests were 
bound up in Hanover, when he had excluded the Tories from 
True Bosition P^^^^^^^ ^^^^ entirely, when he had lavished 
of George. ^o^oMrB> and pensions recklessly on his German 

favourites, still the mass of the people looked up 
to him, and supported him as their sole hope against a Catholic 
restoration ; — much as sailors will fashion a plug out of the 
oldest and most unsightly piece of wood to stop the leak, 
through which rush the raging waters. 



;&: 



The Whigs, 9 



There can hardly be any doubt that if the Pretender had 
changed his religion, or had even held out any 
signs of a possible conversion, he would have -^^^^ position 
been welcomed with national enthusiasm. But tender ^^" 
his very devotion to his religion, which ought, 
at any rate, to have commanded respect, supplied an additional 
argument against him. For it was one of the strongest tenets 
of all English Churchmen's creed, that devotion to the Catholic 
religion necessarily saps secular honour and faith. An ir- 
teligious man of the world like Charles 11. would, by the irony 
of history, have been regarded with infinitely less suspicion. 



Section 3. — Whigs and Tories, 

It almost seems that a series of isolated political occurrences, 
beginning with the sudden and unexpected death of Anne, and 
culminating with the assumption of the Kegency by the Whig 
Duke of Shrewsbury, secured the throne to George ; and that 
really he won the throne because he arrived in England before 
the Pretender. But a careful examination of the state of the 
two great political parties will show that, though the Tories 
were by far the most numerous, yet the Whigs wjiigg 
were really the strongest, for they were infinitely 
superior to their rivals in energy, intelligence, concentration, 
and. organization. The real strength of the Whig party lay in 
its elements. Tlfese included the aristocracy, the commercial 
classes, and the Nonconformists. 

The English aristocracy, after the destruction or defea- 
sance of the old feudal nobles, differed essen- . . .. 
tially from almost every similar class in Europe, tocracy. 
It was in no sense a caste nobility. The new 
creations, since the time of Edward lY., had been naturally 
drawn entirely from the people, and the interests of both ends 
of the social scale were closely interwoven. Moreover, peerage 
was entirely personal ; the sons of peers were commoners ; the 
eldest sons even, though potentially peers themselves, and 
dignified with titles of courtesy, were really commoners, and in 
numerous cases sat in the House of Commons .- . 
during the lifetime of their fathers. The natural feeling, 
craving after rank, which has always been a 
prominent characteristic of the lower classes, greatly facilitated 



1 Intro D uc tion. 



the entrance of tlie younger scions of noble houses into Par- 
liament; and, indeed, gave them an advantage, which the 
possession of the greatest riches hardly conferred on the untitled 
candidate. This absence of any legal distinction of caste was 
supplemented by the total absence of any of that class feeling 
which tended to make the French nobles so hateful to all other 
ranks of the nation. There was no sentimental impediment to 
intermarriage between the upper and lower classes. On the 
contrary, they were of frequent occurrence, and in this way 
bonds of sympathy of the strongest character were forged 
between the two orders. Moreover, the House of Lords itself 
was continually recruited by the introduction of great lawyers, 
illustrious statesmen, wealthy boroughmongers, whose claim to 
promotion was rarely founded on anything but some personal 

attribute, which had found favour in the eyes of 
Hou^se"r *"* *^^ ^^^S ^^ Minister, while their birth might be 
Lords. 0^ ^^^ humblest character. The President of the 

House, the Lord Chancellor, was usually a suc- 
cessful lawyer, ennobled on his elevation to the woolsack. The 
peerage, in fact, was, in the words of Walpole on the Peerage 
Bill, 1719, "one of the strongest incentives to virtue," and, 
subject to a process of a survival of the fittest, lay within the 
reach of any man in the United Kingdom. The real power of 
the Lords consisted, not merely in their local influence and 
wealth, but chiefly in their aptitude and opportunities for office. 
The management of public business is not so much an afiair of 
genius as of practice. The peers were brought up, as it were, 
in the midst of business ; tliey had special facilities for obtaining 
Active work ^ thorough knowledge of its details ; their rank 
of the Peers : immediately marked them out for offi.ce if they 

desired it. There has always been, in conse- 
quence, a certain number of peers employed in the business of 
the government, and this active work in the management of the 
State has at once freed them from the reproach of uselessness, 
and has added largely to their power. This power, moreover', 
was usuaUy used well. Not only is it a fact that from their 
ranks were drawn many of the most illustrious statesmen of 
the time, but they showed true greatness in supporting the 
many distinguished men who ruled the country from the House 
of Commons. Harley, St, John, Walpole, Pelham, the two 
Pitts, numbered many of the most powerful peers among 
their willing lieutenants. Thus . the Upper House exercised 



■f'l 



The Whigs, \\ 



considerable influence on the country ; and the firm support of 
the majority of the peers was a great gain to any . 
party. Since the Revolution the weight of that ^^!^^^ ^°JJ®' ' 
maj or i t y had been thrown on the sid e of the Whigs ; 
and their Whig impulses were greatly increased by the violent- 
measure of the Tory Ministry in 1712 for forcing the Peace of 
Utrecht through the Lords by the creation of enough peers to 
constitute a Tory majority. In consequence, though in later 
years the Lords became the chief support of Tory despotism 
and personal government, yet during the early part of the 
eighteenth century they included a strong Whig majority of 
fairly liberal tendencies, who firmly maintained the principles 
of the Revolution, and opposed most strenuously the doctrines 
of divine right and passive obedience. ' The Whig Lords there- 
fore must ba reckoned as one of the most important elements 
of the Hanoverian party. 

The commercial classes were naturally Whig. Commerce 
flourished most in the towns ; and the towns had .g. 
always been the most enlightened part of the ^j^j classes' 
community in politics and religion. This was 
partly owing to the greater facilities for the free circulation and 
discussion of ideas amid these crowded haunts of men, and 
partly because dissent had been to a great extent divorced 
from the land and compelled to take refuge therein. Moreover, 
religious persecutions abroad had driven many foreigners, chiefly 
of the industrial classes, over to England. As a rule they set- 
tled in the towns, bringing with them new industries, new ideas, 
and a spirit of resistance to dogma, which lent a great impulse 
to the spirit of rational inquiry already springing up. Com- 
merce, too, was increasing in importance. Under _ - 
the early Stuarts it had flourished and grown commerce, 
strong. With Charles IL it was almost a hobby. 
Long internal peace had greatly assisted its progress. The chief 
manufactures were wool, iron, and hardware. The African 
trade and the Russian trade occupied a great amount of energy 
and capital. The East India trade was attaining such im- 
portance that two great companies were competing eagerly for 
this valuable traffic, and bid fair to ruin themselves in the 
attempt. The mercantile navy had increased in tonnage be- 
tween 1698 and 1715 by over a million. The towns grew con- 
tinually owing' to the extinction of the yeoman class, which was 
one of the results of the difficulties attendant on the transfer of 



■S^M 



1 2 Introduction, 



land. The ordinary modes of conveyance were so intricate and 
expensive, and the fictitious importance conferred on its pos- 
sessor rendered land so desirable, that little was brought into 
the market except by the smaU proprietors. The latter naturaUy 

sought fresh fields of industry in the towns. Ut 
London. ^^^^^ London was by far the most important. 

Its growth at the beginning of the 17th century was so rapid 
that James I. considered it dangerous to his power, and issued 
proclamations forbidding the erection of houses round London. 
This repressive policy was continued by Charles I. He exacted 
large sums of money from the City,- and even deprived it of its 
lands in Ireland. The result was that London became the mam 
strength of the Parliamentary party during the Civil Wars. 
Clarendon counts it as a great advantage to the Parliament that 
they were possessed of London, which supplied them not only 
with large sums of money, but also whole armies of menr It 
was the London Trained Bands who defeated Eupert at Brent- 
ford, and raised the siege of Gloucester under Essex. In fact 
during the early periods of the war they played much the same 
part as Cromwell's Ironsides did later on. Under the later 
Stuarts London increased rapidly in size and wealth. The 
great calamity of the Pire was really productive of good, for it 
enabled the wasted quarters to be built anew on far superior 
principles. This great city had always been on the side of 
reform and resistance, and with it, as a rule, had marched all 

the commercial interest of England. The trading 
Honied ^^^ monied classes were therefore Whig by tradi- 

rallTmig?" ^^^^ ^^^ ^y circumstance. But in addition, the 

two great Companies, the Bank of England and 
the New East India Company, were Whig creations ; had 
bought privileges from the Whig Government. They naturally 
feared that a Jacobite Kestoration would be followed by the 
^ cancelling of their privileges. The National Debt, moreover, 
was a result of the wars of William III. and Marlborough. The 
fear of its repudiation by the ally of Louis XIY. gave the whole 
monied interest a weighty reason for supporting the provisions of 

the Act of Settlement. The proof that this 
repudiation dread of repudiation was a real working influence 

in England against the Stuarts is shown by a 
letter of Atterbury, Bishop of Kochester, a strong Jacobite, in 
which he declares that the acquisition by the South Sea Company. 
of the Government Debt in 1719 was dangerous to the Jacobita 



The Whigs. 13 



cause, because it rendered a large and wealthy body of men 
bound by interest to support the Hanoverian settlement. 

The third elenient of the Whig party was the Noncon- 
formists. Their politics were really dictated by ,„. . 
their religion. They had everything to hope ^ ^ 
from the Whigs. They could only look forward to oppression 
from the Tories. The Stuarts themselves were really more 
tolerant than their partisans. They had recognized that it was 
impossible to free the Catholics without allowing the Noncon- 
formists to share in that freedom, and so they had wisely deter- 
mined to include them. All such attempts,- however, had failed 
before the obstinate bigotry of the Church ; and the last effort 
of James II. directly led to the Kevolution. The Whig king, 
William, had then rewarded them with the Tolera- . , , 
tion Act, which practically freed dissent from ^^ whigs ; 
persecution ; and in 1695 Quakers were afforded 
legal protection by the permission to substitute a solemn affirma- 
tion for an oath. The Jacobite Tories, on the contrary, were 
violently hostile to dissent, and their accession to power was 
marked by the Schism Act, 1714, which excluded any dissenter 
from exercising the office of schoolmaster or teacher, in addition 
to his already extensive political disabilities. A ^ a\. 

Jacobite Eestoration, therefore, would mean in- \^^ Tories, 
creased persecution, and in consequence the 
accession of George I. was naturally welcomed as a deliverance 
from the bondage of Egypt, though these lofty expectations 
were destined to be considerably disappointed. Their numbers, 
too, made them a respectable element of the Whig party. In 
1715 there were 1107 dissenting congregations in England and 
43 in Wales. They reckoned in their body men like Baxter, 
Howe, and Bunyan, who would have done honour to any church. 
They had always been noted for sincerity and patriotism. 

The distinction which Clarendon draws between the Inde- 
pendents and the Presbyterians in 1646-7 might be aptly applied 
to the Whigs and Tories of 1711-15. The Independents, he 
says, were united under one leader, were determined on effecting 
some great object, and subordinated all less important details to 
this one aU-absorbing idea. The Presbyterians were divided 
into various parties with conflicting interests; they looked 
rather to individual details than one central point ; and it was 
the difficulty of reconciling the various interests of each section 
with the general interest of the whole party- which rendered it 



14 ' Introduction. 



impossible to bring tbeir full strength to bear on any given 

point, and which necessarily caused their defeat. 
Tories. r^^^ Tories, like the Presbyterians, were dis- 

united ; and though the whole body were ardent supporters of 
passive obedience and divine right, yet they found it impossible 
to reconcile their religious with their political creed in the case 
of the Pretender. They were in consequence divided into three 
parties— the Jacobites or extreme Tories, the Tories proper, and 
the Hanoverian Tories, as they were later styled. 

The Jacobites were desirous of a Stuart Restoration, unde- 

' terred bv the fact that the Pretender was a 

(2 Tories'.*^** Catholic' The Tories were desirous of a Stuart 

Restoration only on the condition that the Pre- 
tender should abandon the Catholic religion and embrace the 

doctrines of the Church of England. The Hano- 
i!l;?«^Tn".^«a verian Tories, who were led by Sir Thomas 

Hanmer, were strongly opposed to any negotia- 
tions with a Catholic prince, and were ready to acknowledge 
the Hanoverian succession provided a due share of political 
power were secured to them. 

How far the Jacobites were committed to any plot on behalf 

. of the Pretender is altogether uncertain; and it 

aco 1 ism. ^^^ never be exactly ascertained what were the 

real views of the leaders of the Tory party. The common view, 

B r h k ^^^ most probably the true one, is that Boling- 

broke was wholly committed to the Pretender, 
and that he ejected the Earl of Oxford from the ministry be- 
cause the latter would not go so far as to accept an unconditional 
Restoration. Eolingbroke's treason seems borne out both by 
his letters, by his conduct after his impeachment, and still more 
by the fact that the Elector had a personal objection to him for 
concluding the Peace of Utrecht, and therefore he knew there 
was no hope for him under the new dynasty. Jacobitism, 
therefore, was his only course. Harley, on the contrary, was 
Oxford certainly not a Jacobite, and his relations with 

the Dissenters and openly expressed contempt for 
the Jacobite creed of government would have rendered it impos- 
sible that he should have much sympathy with the Pretender. 
This is conclusively proved by the fact that the Jacobites them- 
selves regarded him with unconcealed distrust, and that he has 
never been reckoned among their partisans by the Jacobite 
historians. 



The Tories. 15 



It was this very uncertainty and indecision, this impossibility 
of ascertaining how far each man was prepared 
to go, or what he was really contemplating, that J^acillatioa of 
constituted the chief weakness of the Tories, and Tones, 

threw all power into the hands of their enemies. Their leaders 
concealed their real designs from fear, and this concealment 
created distrust and disunion. It was impossible to get the 
Tories to work as a whole in any given direction, and still more 
impossible to do so when that direction was, or was suspected 
to be, a Stuart Eestoration. Bolingbroke himself said in a con- 
fidential letter to Lord Strafford: "The Whigs pursue their 
plans with good order and in concert. The Tories stand at 
gaze, and expect that the Court should regulate their conduct, 
and lead them on, and the Court seems in a lethargy." But 
Bolingbroke did more than any man to disunite and ruin the 
, Tory party. Whatever his real designs were, he contrived to 
turn the Tories to Jacobitism, and thus left the Whigs the only 
representatives of Eevolution principles, constitutional liberty, 
and religious tolerance. The fear of a revolution in Church and 
State, of repudiation and national bankruptcy, turned half the 
Tories into Hanoverians and discredited the whole party. Their 
real unpopularity was shown by the fact that hardly fifty Tory 
tnembers were elected for George I.'s first parliament. 

This comparison of these two parties proves that it was no 
mere series of isolated political occurrences that 
secured the accession of George I., but that the ^^^ usion. 
general feeling of England was in favour, if not of the Hano- * 
verian himself, at any rate of those principles of monarchy wMdi 
were embodied in the Bill of Rights and the Act of Settlement. 

To George and his supporters, however, it seemed that the 
Tories wished to deprive him of the crown, and ^ , - 
that the Whigs had secured it to him. The party 
result was that he relied entirely on the Whig 
party, and his Cabinet was drawn solely from their ranks. This 
threw all power into their hands, and they ruled the country 
almost without a break down to the accession of George III. 
He can scarcely be blamed for trusting the men to whom he 
owed the crown, but had a certain amount of room been left for 
the Tories, they would not have been driven over to Jacobitism, 
and so many of the troubles of the reign might have been 
averted. The immediate result was that the power of the 
Ministers was increased greatly by union, and that they relied 



1 6 Introd ucTionr. 



more on Parliamentary support and good government than on 

royal favour. Moreover, George's interests being' 
^o^v mment ^^und up mainly in those of Hanover, he in- 
terfered rarely in the management of affairs, and 
so from his accession the true period of Ministerial government' 
may be said to begin. At the same time this must not he- 
pressed too closely. The king still possessed great powers, and^ 
at times, when thoroughly roused, he could make use of them. 
The dismissal of Townshend for conduct personally displeasing 
to George I, the dismissal of Walpole by George II., and his 
reappointment, equally without constitutional reason, give 
striking instances of the fact that Ministers were not yet solely 
responsible to Parliament, but were stiU responsible to the 
monarch himself. The existence of the Pretender was reaUy a 
good thing for the growth of the constitution. It compelled 
the king, naturally despotic in temper, to trust his Ministers 
more than he might otherwise have done, and thereby strength- 
ened the Cabinet system. 

The result of this purely Whig triumph was apparently a' 

total change in the principles of both parties. The 

Apparent Tories had formerly been the ardent supporters of 

partT^ ^^ monarchy and legitimacy, of passive obedience, the 

politics. English Church, and the divine right of kings. 

The Whigs had formed the opposition. They 
had brought in the Exclusion Bill ; they had led the Eevolu- 
tion ; they had always been the strenuous advocates of the l^on-^ 
conformists. Now, however, the Whigs suddenly became the 
strong partisans of the monarchy, while the Tories developed 
into a virulent opposition, and in most cases drifted into Jaco. 
bitism and treason. The explanation, however, of this extra- 
ordinary transformation scene is extremely simple. Neither 
party had reaUy changed its principles in the slightest. It was 
the cu'cumstances that were entirely altered. The Tories still 
maintained their adhesion to the principles of legitimacy, divine 
right of kmgs, and the necessity of passive obedience to their 
will ; but this reverential feeling centred round the Stuarts 
alone and could not expend itself on the Elector, whom they 
regarded as an usurper whom it was a positive duty to resist. 
Real con- '^^^''' attachment to the Church was unchanged 

tiniiity of ?;\ ^^^^ y p^t in their eyes the Latitudinarian 

party Church of George I. was not the Church of 

pontics. England. To the Tories, therefore, resistance 



Transform A tion. 



17 



was the only means of remaining true to their old faith. The 
Whigs, on the other hand, now assumed the position of the 
supporters of monarchy. But ib was the constitutional 
monarchy of the Eevolution, of the Bill of Rights, and the Act 
of Settlement, not the personal rule of the Stuarts. The 
Government was in their own hands, and was carried on on 
purely Whig principles. The obedience they advocated was 
constitutional, legal, orderly. Moreover, the Church had now 
taken a different position. Catholicism had . been effectually 
excluded by the Act of Settlement and the Penal Laws. Church 
appointments became purely Latitudinarian, or Low Church. 
The rule of the bishops was a thing of the past. Convocation 
ceased to transact business after 1715, and Dissent, though still 
proscribed by law, was practically freed. The Whigs, there- 
fore, in supporting the Monarchy and Church under the early 
Hanoverians were really staunchly maintaining their old princi- 
ples, and it only required a Stuart Restoration to prove this. 



} • 



.^■^:-^ 



i 't 



c 



18 State of Europe. 



•k': 



CHAPTEE II. 

STATE OP EUROPE. 

Section 1. — Results of the Peace of Utrecht. 

The Peace of Utrecht, like all great treaties, had left a number 
of questions unsettled, which were sure to rise again sooner or 
later. The object of the war had been to uphold the .balance of 
power and humiliate France. Circumstances had caused a com- 
plete change in the policy of some of the parties, and the result 
had been very different to what might have been expected from 
the victories of the allies and the exhaustion of France. 

England had been the chief gainer. She had 
^^ *^ * acquired large colonial possessions. She had ob- 

tained a guarantee of the Hanoverian succession, and the exclu- 
sion of the Pretender from France. She had taken a prominent 
position as the leader of Europe against Louis. She had 
lowered the pride of France by successfully insisting on the 
dismantling of Dunkirk and later of Mardyke as well. 
Holland Holland had been rendered comfortable by the 

Barrier Treaty. She had obtained the right of gar- 
risoning with Dutch troops a line of frontier fortresses in the 
Netherlands which would secure her from sudden invasion. 
From this time, however, she diminishes in importance in Europe, ■ 
partly because she was overshadowed by the growing power of 
England, partly because she entirely withdrew from European ,,' 
diplomacy, hoping thereby to avoid expense and danger, 
gpai^ Spain and the American Colonies were secured 

to Philippe V. (Philippe of Anjou), shorn of the 
Netherlands, Naples, Sardinia, and the Milanese, which were 
given to Austria ; Sicily, which was given to Savoy ; and 
Gibraltar, which remained the prize of England. Really, how- 
ever, Spain gained by the loss of her distant provinces, which 



^ : France, s 19 

enabled lier to concentrate her resources more easily and 
effectually. 

Austria had gained nearly all that Spain had lost, hut she 
considered herself the lawful heir to all the 
Spanish dominions, and regarded with hatred '^^^*"*' 
alike the Frenchmen who had committed, and the English 
people who had agreed to the theft. 

Two new kingdoms had risen in Europe, Savoy and Prussia, 
^the latter destined soon to play an important 
part in the affairs of Europe, owing to her well- ^^^^^y.*^* 
fiUed treasury and large disciplined army. 

France had come out of the struggle with the acquisition of 
Spain, but with the loss of her prestige, and at 
the price of the total exhaustion of the country. France, 

The questions that still remained to he settled were : (a) 
Should Spain or Austria obtain Italy % {h) Should 
Philippe of Orleans or Philippe of Spain succeed questions, 
to the throne of France in the event of Louis XV. 
dying young and childless? (c) Should the Stuarts or the 
Guelphs reign in England ? {d) Who should succeed to the 
Austrian dominions and the Empire on the death of Charles YI. 
if he should leave no male heirs ? 

Section 2. — France after the Peace of Utrecht. 

The last years of Louis XIY. exhibit a startling contrast to 
the glory which shone on his early successes. No . , 

longer the haughty dictator of Europe, he found lasY years 
himself obliged to offer the most humiliating terms 
to his enemies as the price of peace, with the additional mortifi- 
cation of receiving a contemptuous refusal. But though ulti- 
mately dissensions among the allies, and party struggles in 
England, enabled him to emerge from the tremendous conflict 
with fewer losses than might have been anticipated ; yet his 
country was reduced almost to ruin by the war, the treasury was 
empty, the revenue forestalled for several years ; the public 
debt had leapt to enormous dimensions; famine and pestilence 
had swept off the cultivators of the soil and still further impo- 
Terished the unhappy country ; misgovemment, -p • ^ * * 
mismanagement, and religious persecution had aU ^^ France 
lent their aid to cast a sombre shadow on the 
path of the aged monarch. What greater condemnation can be 

c 2 



20 State of Europe, 



passed upon his reign than to say that he left France powerless 
and exhausted, that he brought nothing but misery on his 
people, that he gave a terrible impetus to the forces which were 
to bring about the Revolution *? 

jS'or did he himself escape. Trouble came heavily upon him, 
as it came upon all in France. Small-pox carried off his eldest 

son, the Dauphin. The latter's eldest son, the 
®^ ^' dearly-loved Duke of Burgundy, and his wife, 

the handsome winning Duchess, fell victims to a malignant- 
fever, and died almost within a week of each other. Their ^ 
eldest son did not long survive his parents, and in two years 
more the unhappy monarch saw another of his grandsons, 
Charles, Duke of Berry, stricken by the grim destroyer. So of 
all the numerous descendants which had grown up around him 
there were left only a sickly child, Louis of Anjou, to inherit 
the crown, and Philippe Y., the King of Spain. 

Who then was to govern the country during the minority 

which seemed inevitable % Philippe was barred 
qufstion ^^ ^^® stipulations of the Peace of Utrecht, which 

France was scarcely in a position to break as yet. 
The next nearest member of the royal family, Philippe, Duke of 
Orleans, was of villainous life, was tainted with the suspicion of 
having poisoned his own relations, and more justly of intriguing. ^ 
for his own personal interest with the enemies of his country ■ 
during the War of the Spanish Succession. Louis, alarmed at 
the deaths in the royal family, legitimized his natural sons, the 
Count of Touloiise and the Duke of Maine. This, however, 
only added fresh comphcations by causing disputes between 
them and the dukes of France. At last, feeling his end ap- 
Louis' will proaching, he made the most elaborate arrange- ; 

ments for the Eegency, so as to give Orleans as 
much nominal and as little real power as possible. There was 
to be a council of fourteen regents, of which the Duke was to 
be the head ; the Duke of Maine was entrusted with the young 
king's education; Marshal Yilleroi with the control of the 
household. Louis hoped, by thus multiplying the number of 
officials and subdividing the supreme power, to secure the young 
king against the designs of Orleans. It was all labour in vain, .; 
Louis' death however. On the death of Louis all the discon- 
1715. ' tented classes in France, the Parliament of Paris, 

the Jansenists, Huguenots, Freethinkers, and • 
Constitutionalists, united to upset the king's will and commit 



Philippe of Orleans, 



2l 



the government entirely into the hands of Orleans. The weak- 
minded Duke of Maine yielded without a struggle, and Orleans 
at once assumed the supreme management of the kingdom. 



Louis XIII. + 1643. 



I 
Louis XrV. = M. Theresa 
+ 1716 I of Spain. 

Louis, Dauphin, 
+ 1711. 



Louis, 
Duke of 
Burgundy, 
+ 1712. 

I 



I -I 

Philippe v., Charles^ 

Duke of Duke of 
Anjou, Berry, 

King of Spain. + 1714, s.p. 



Mdme. de 

, ,„ Montespan. 

Louis, 
Dakeof 
Maine. 
+ 1736, 



Louis 
Alexander, 

Count of 
Toulouse, 

+ 1737. 



I 

Phihppe, 
Duke of 
Orleans^ 

I 

Philippe, 
Duke of 

Orleans. 

Regent, 

1715. 



Duke of 

Brittany, 

+ 1712. 



I 



Louis XV. 



Philippe, Duke of Orleans, was a striking instance of the 
extraordinary combination of great qualities and _ ... . 
degrading vices which is so remarkable in the Orleans. 
Frenchmen of this unhappy 18th century. He 
was a man of unusual intelligence and foresight, an eloquent 
Speaker, a ready and capable soldier. Yet his nature was so 
enslaved by the pleasures of the senses, that all that was good in 
him was stifled by the most disgusting debaucheries. He began 
his government well, working on the lines of regeneration traced 
out by the virtuous and earnest Duke of Burgundy, but his will 
was so vacillating, and his distaste for work so strong, that he 
soon grew weary of solid and unattractive schemes for the re- 
form of the government, and especially the financial system, and 
surrendered himself easily to any project, however chimerical, 
provided it only dazzled with the prospect of great and imme- 
diate successes. But though he surrounded himself with un- 
worthy creatures of both sexes who exercised an unfortunate 
influence over him, yet, to his credit it must be said, that 
among his manifold amours he never allowed his mistresses any 
influence in business. 

His chief Minister was the Abbe, afterwards Cardinal, Dubois. 
. This venerable ecclesiastic's moral character was ^ .. , 
as bad as that of his master. He was sunk in Du^jois. 
, every kind of debauchery. He lied with such 
'.,4 consummate power and unblushing audacity that he seemed to 



22 State of Europe, 



** exhale falsehood from every pore/' He was ambitious, avari 
cious, and rniscrupulous in the extreme. And he was the ablesi 
statesman of his time. This man was the son of a small apothe- 
cary, and had risen by his own talents and suppleness to the 
post of tutor to the young Philippe of Orleans. In this capacity 
he acquired such a complete influence over his pupil that in aftei 
life the latter trusted him entirely. And it must be added that 
that trust was well repaid. Even before the death of Louis 
XIY., Dubois had arranged with the English ambassador, Lord 
Stair, a plot for dispossessing the Duke of Maine of the Regency 
by the help of English troops, if he found himself unable to do 
so by peaceful means. It was natural, therefore, that he should 
become the most prominent figure under the Eegency of Or- 
leans. 

This period is usually described as being remarkable for an 
. extraordinary and unwise change in the foreign 

policy of Erance, viz., the alliance with England. 
The explanation of this lies in the personal views of Orleans 
and the diplomacy of Dubois. The Peace of Utrecht had 
excluded Philippe of Spain from the succession to the crown 
of Erance. If that exclusion held good, Philippe of Orleans 
was the heir to the sickly child who at present occupied 
the throne. There seemed to be no doubt, however, that 
the King of Spain ' would not tamely submit to this dis- 
inherison, against which he had always protested, and it be- 
came necessary for Orleans to look round for an ally to aid him 
in the event of the succession falling vacant. Amongst the sig- 
nitaries of the Peace of Utrecht England seemed the most 
likely to agree with his views, for it had secured her large ac- 
cessions of territory, and had guaranteed the throne to the 
Hanoverian dynasty. Therefore, in spite of the indignation; 
which it had excited among large classes in England, she had 
gained too much by it to wish it overthrown. The interest of 
the new king, moreover, lay directly in supporting it. The 
Government of Orleans, therefore, while placing no obstacle in 
the way of the Jacobite exiles, was careful to lend them no 
assistance, thus providing for . friendship with England which- 
ever claimant to the throne should be ultimately successful. 



Sweden and Russia. 23 



Section 3. — Northern Europe. 

During the War of the Spanish Succession a similar struggle 
had desolated the north of Europe. The kings of „ , 
Poland, Denmark, and Kussia, had hoped to take ^^ ^^^ 
advantage of the minority of Charles XII. of 
Sweden to wrest from him his Continental possessions round 
the Baltic. The young king, however, was endowed with ex- 
traordinary genius and enterprise ; he had at his command a 
well-filled treasury and disciplined army. He succeeded in 
turning the tables on his opponents with startling celerity. A 
rapid march enabled him to dictate peace to, Denmark at Tra- 
vendahl, 1700. Two crushing victories at Narva and Eiga, 
1701, freed him from all fear of the Eussians for the time, and 
enabled him not only to wrest the crown of Poland from 
the weak grasp of Augustus of Saxony, but even to force humi- 
liating terms of peace on him in the heart of his own country, 
and compel the unfortunate monarch to write a letter of congra- 
tulation to Stanislaus Leczinski, the rival whom Charles had 
nominated in his place, 1704. After this he remained some 
time in Saxony, filling all Europe with terror as to what he 
would do next. At last the diplomatic talents of Marlborough 
succeeded in directing his superfluous energy against the Czar, 
whom he regarded, and rightly, as his true enemy. 

He had now, however, to deal with a very different Eussian 
army to the undisciplined mob of peasants who 
had permitted themselves to be slaughtered like (jj-eat 
sheep at !N'arva and Eiga. Peter the Great had 
devoted his life to organizing his unwieldy empire. JN'ot in the 
least disheartened by the total rout of the national levies, he had 
withdrawn into the heart of Eussia, and, like Washington at 
YaUey Eorge, or our own Alfred at Athelney, devoted himself 
to the task of organizing and disciplining an army w^hich could 
resist the furious onslaught of the Alexander of the North. He 
was determined to be no Darius, and, at the very moment when 
Charles was overrunning Poland and Saxony and giving law to- 
Europe, Peter with his new troops invaded Livonia, seized the 
, whole of the Swedish, Baltic provinces, and laid the foundations 
of the naaritime power of Eussia. At his bidding St. Petersburg 
rose full-grown amid the marshes and streams of the Neva. A 
strong fortress sprang up on the rock of Cronslot to defend the 



24 State of Europe. 



new capital. Eussian fleets covered the waters of the ^^If of 
Finland and the Lake Ladoga. And so when at last Charles 
saUied forth on his errand of vengeance, more like some reckless 
knight-errant of the old Crusading days than a modern general, 
without aUies, communications, adequate forces, or even proper 
provisions, it seemed but the fitting denouement of the history ol 
the two monarchs that Charles should fly routed and desperate 

from the fatal field of Pultava, 1708. The strong 
Battle of 3^an had at last broken his back beneath the 

f-TOS^^^' weight of the huge mass that Peter had organized^ 

and hurled on him. The sun of Sweden's great- 
ness set in a sullen and inglorious twilight. 

From this time Charles, cut off from his own country, 

remained an exile in Turkey, an ungrateful 

i^ Turk^ pensioner of the Sultan, striving by every meaus, 

honourable or dishonourable, to embroil him with 
the Czar. At last his intrigues aroused the indignation of the 
Porte, and he was ordered to depart. He refused, and even 
resisted by violence an attempt to compel his obedience. When 
he was at length overpowered and made a prisoner, he feigned 
illness and took to his bed for some months. 

Meanwhile in his absence, Augustus of Saxony renewed his 

alliance with Prussia and Denmark, and easily 

Confederacy regained the throne of Poland. The Confederacy 

Sweden "^^^ strengthened by the accession of the Electors 

of Hanover and Brandenburg, all eager for the 
spoils of Sweden. The Emperor, anxious to prevent the war 
spreading into the Empire, tried to persuade Charles, who was 
still in Turkey, to consent to the neutrality of the Swedish 
provinces in Germany. This proposal, however, was scornfully 
rejected, and so the Confederates overran Pomerania, Bremen, 
and Yerden, till nothing was left to Sweden but the strong 

town of Stralsund. This alarming news brought 
Charles XII Charles back from Turkey. "When he arrived, 

his boots had to be cut off his swollen legs, for he 
had ridden all the way in sixteen days. What one man, or 
rather hero, could do to save Stralsund, that Charles did ; but 
the armies of the allies closed round the devoted town more and 
more surely, until at last the hunted monarch could only escape 
by running the gauntlet of the fleets that covered the Baltic. 
He fled to Sweden, raging against his enemies, and especially 
the Elector of Hanover, who had entered into the Confederacy 



Spain, 25 

^' - ^ 

feolely with the view of acquiring Bremen and Verden to round 
off his Electorate. 'Any scheme of vengeance, however wild, 
was sure to find favour in his eyes« 

At this moment he fell under the influence of Baron Gortz, 
an able and unscrupulous statesman, who had 
parsed into his service from that of the Prince of ^^^^ G-ortz. 
Gotthorp. Gortz proposed to buy the alliance of the Czar by the 
permanent cession of the Baltic Provinces (Livonia, Esthonia, 
Ingria, and Carelia), and to support the Jacobites in an invasion 
of England. It was in pursuit of these schemes that he was 
brought into connection with Cardinal Alberoni, who was then 
the real ruler of Spain, 



Section 4. — Spain and Alberoni. 

Cardinal Alberoni, one of the most remarkable statesmen of 
the period, was an entirely seK-made man. His ,. . 

father was a poor and very illiterate gardener at Alberoni 
Placentia. The son had picked up some education 
among the Jesuits, had ingratiated himself with them by his 
ready tact, and rose steadily in the subordinate ranks of the 
Church. In time he contrived to obtain the favour of the Duke 
de Vendome, who commanded the French army in Italy in 1702, 
and this laid the foundation of his future greatness. He accom- 
panied Yendome to Spain, he was made ambassador of Parma at 
the court of Madrid, and he took a prominent part in securing 
the marriage of Elizabeth Farnese to Philippe V. on the death 
of his first wife. Naturally he acquired considerable influence 
over the queen, and in consequence became the real governor of 
the country. His language and habits were coarse, his character 
was patient, flexible, and intriguing ; but he was also skilful, 
laborious, and devoted, and possessed in a very high degree a 
genius for organization and government. He projected the total 
reorganization of the administrative system and the restoration 
of the prosperity of the country. It was a work of extraordinary 
difficulty, for Spain had been steadily declining since the days 
of Philippe II. However, he advanced surely if slowly. 
Abuses were hunted down and destroyed in aU Reforms 
the departments of government. The army was 
gradually re-established. A new and powerful navy was created. 
The chief strongholds were re-fortified and strongly garrisoned. 



26 State of Europe. 



Trade was started afresh on a new and liberal basis. And 
Alberoni was at last able to boast that fivs years would see the 

complete rehabilitation of Spain. He intended to 

^* use this revived power to recover as much as 

possible of the lost provinces. He hoped to upset the whole 

Peace of Utrecht, or, at the very least, wrest Sicily from Savoy, 

and dispute the possession of Italy with Austria. 

His designs were supported by Elizabeth Famese, a daring 

. and ambitious woman, who entered thoroughly 

Fames e '^^^^ *^^ national hatred of Austria, and longed to 

vTrench from her grasp the Spanish provinces in 
Italy. She had, moreover, some claims on Parma and Placentia, 
for she was the niece of the last childless Duke, and others on 
Tuscany, which seemed likely to fall vacant as well, of a still 
more shadowy character. She hoped to secure the succession 
for her own son, Don Carlos, the third son of Philippe Y. It 
was only too evident that the duchies would soon i'all vacant, 
and then she intended to use all the newly revived powers of 
Spain to decide the succession in her favour. 

War, therefore, was imminent between Spain and Austria, and 

that war Alberoni determined should end in the 
Community triumph of Spain. The question which troubled 
between^^' his mind therefore was, which side would the two 

Gortz and great powers, England and Erance, take. He 

Alberoni. hoped to buy the alliance of England by granting 

her commercial advantages. Erance, he con- 
sidered, would necessarily support her own creation, Spain. The 
personal interests of George and Orleans, however, outweighed 
what Alberoni saw were the obvious interests of their countries. 
They were determined to support the Peace of Utrecht ; and so 
he was obliged to look farther afield for allies. There was 
therefore this community of interest between him and Gortz, that 
their enemies were the same, France and England. 

CHILDREN OF PHILIPPE V. 

Philippe Y. m. (1) Marie Louise of Savoy ; m. (2) Elizabeth Famese 
+ 1746. ■ 



Louis, Ferdinand VI. Carlos III. Philippe 

ob. 1725. (Don Carlos of (Don Philip) 

Parma, and after- of Parma. 

wards of Naples.) 



Ministry of Townshend, 27 



.V 



HK \ 



CHAPTER III. 

MINISTRY OF TOWNSHEND. 

Section 1. — Early Measures, 

The Tories soon began to learn the truth of Bolingbroke's words 
on his own dismissal, that " the Tory party was „, „. . 
gone." With the single exception of Notting- ® ^^" ^^ 
ham, who had long been completely identified with the Whigs, 
the Ministry was drawn solely from the Whig party. Lord 
Townshend was made PrioDe Minister. His .colleagues were 
Lord Halifax, General Stanhope, Lord Cowper, the Earl of 
I^ottingham, and Sir Robert Walpole, the brother-in-law of 
Townshend. The Earl of Sunderland, the great Whig Minister 
under Anne, was practically dismissed from political life by 
being made Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland ; and though the Duke, 
of Marlborough was again entrusted with the offices of Com- 
mander-in-Chief and Master of the Ordnance, he was without a 
shadow of his old power and hardly any confidence. 

The new Secretary of State, Charles, Viscount Townshend, 
was a man of an extremely amiable and benevo- Townshend 
lent disposition; but unfortunately he was also 
imperious and overbearing, impatient of contradiction, and 
extremely difficult to bend from his own opinion. His manner 
was coarse and rough, at times even to brutality. He had 
been engaged in political life since 1709, and had obtained a 
commanding position among the Whigs, which was greatly 
strengthened by his marriage with Sir Robert Walpole's sister, 
perhaps the most that can be said to his credit is that no man 
was ever more honest in his Ministry, or more free from any 
taint of corruption. 

The second Secretary, James Stanhope, was an nhooe 
accomplishjsd scholar, an able general, and an active 



28 Ministry of Townshend, 

politician. He had distinguished himself alike as a commander 
of the English forces in Spain during the late war, and also as 
one of the most prominent managers of the impeachment of Dr. 
Sacheverell, 1710. He carried into political life the same 
haughty and resolute spirit for which he had been remarkable 
as a general. Unfortunately, however, he had too little control 
over his temper, and this frequently led him into unseemly, 
passions and precipitate decisions. He was also far too open in 
his proceedings, and, though he frequently deceived foreign 
Ministers by telling them the naked truth, which of course they 
did not believe, yet this line of policy was evidently dangerous, 
and, moreover, very liable to fail. He was no doubt ambitious, 
as most great men are, but, in spite of this, his disinterested- 
ness was never sullied by the slightest stain of suspicion. 

Such were the two men to whom the destinies of England 
,^ were in turn committed during the first eight 

supremacy. ^^^^^ ^^ George I. Perhaps it was wisely done 

that no Tories were admitted to office. It had 
become necessary to read the supporters of Jacobitism a severe 
lesson, in order to convince them that no truckling with treason 
would be tolerated, and that there was no room for them under 
the new dynasty unless they were prepared to accept it without 
lookmg back. George was certainly not the kind of man to 
succeed in carrying out the scheme of comprehensive govern- 
.ment, which had so signally failed already in the far abler hands 
of Wniiam ^III. and Marlborough. So on the whole it was a 
good thmg that it was not attempted, for scenes of faction in 
the Government, such as had embittered the efforts of William 
and baulked the triumphs of Marlborough, might have had fatal 
results now on the fortunes of the kingdom. Undoubtedly, 
however, the total exclusion of the Tories from public office had 
the mevitable effect of driving many of them over to Jacobitism, 
and exasperating the Jacobites into renewing the plot which 
had fallen through on the death of Anne. 

In January, 1715, the Parliament, having sat for six months 
General after the demise of the last sovereign, was dis- 

election. solved, and the country was thrown into all the 

ferment of a general election. The Jacobites at 
once took advantage of the situation. On the same day violent 
riots broke out at Birmingham, Bristol, Chippenham, Norwich, 
Jacobitism. ^^^ Reading. Similar scenes soon occurred ill 

almost every considerable town in the kinc^dom. 



Jacobitism. ' 29 



The Dissenters were treated with, great violence. In London 
many of their ministers were burnt in effigy, and in numerous 
great towns their chapels and meeting-houses were totally 
wrecked. The popularity of old cavalier songs revived again. 
Men who sang-^ . ' 

The man in the moon may wear out his shoon 
,,;; By running after Charles' wain j 

\^. \ ■ ' But all to no end, for times will not mend. 

Till the king enjoys his own again — :., 

applied the words to James III., as they had been applied to 
Charles II. in exile. Disloyal toasts in disguised forms came 
into fashion, such as : " Kit," or King James III. ; "Job," or 
James, Ormond, and Bolingbroke ; " Three pounds, fourteen, and 
fivepence," or James III., Louis XIV., and Philippe Y. ; and 
perhaps the commonest form of drinking the health of the 
Pretender unobserved was by passing the wine-glass over the 
water-decanter at the toast of "the king," thus transforming it 
into " the king over the water.'' '^^ 

On the meeting of the new Parliament, however, in March, the 
^ Whigs had a large majority in the Lower House, 
and though the situation was undoubtedly for a Impeachment 
long time very intricate, yet from this time the troke ^^^" 
Whig ascendency was secured. The "^^Tiigs at 
once proceeded to vengeance. A secret committee was appointed 
to examine the conduct of the late Ministers in negotiating the 
Peace of Utrecht, and their blunders were painted in the 
darkest colours. On receiving the report, the House at once 
resolved on the impeachment of Bolingbroke, Oxford, and 
Ormond. Bolingbroke, however, foreseeing his danger, had 
already fled to Prance. Ormond at first went to the opposite 
extreme. He put himself openly forward as the 
leader of the Jacobite party, and thereby drew * 

upon himself the ban of the Ministry which he might otherwise 
have escaped. For there was no doubt that as a soldier he was 
bound to obey his orders, and as a statesman he had had no 
share in bringing about the Peace of Utrecht. Moreover, he 
was too powerful a man for them to rashly attack unless neces- 
sity impelled them. His bravado, however, did not last long. 
The news of his impeachment drove him to follow the example 
of Bolingbroke and seek security in exile. Oxford alone 
awaited his trial with firmness. He knew that, however much, 






30 ' Ministry of Townshend, 



folly and shame might taint the negotiations at 
of Oxford; Utrecht, it would be impossible to twist them 

into a charge of treason. He pleaded that his acts had been 
done at the express command of the queen, and this, which 
appears to have been true, raised a question of peculiar diliiculty 
at a time when the doctrine of Ministerial responsibUity was 
not yet thoroughly understood. This undoubtedly had great 
weight with the Lords, and it is probable that they were 
additionally influenced by the consideration that it was not a 
very safe or constitutional course to found a charge of treason 
on the transactions of a peace, which had been sanctioned by 
two successive Parliaments. The result, therefore, was that 
when once vengeance had been satisfied by the attainder of 
Ormond and Bolingbroke, the proceedings against Oxford were 
after a while dropped. 

Meanwhile, riots and outrages were increasing m various parts 
of the country, and it became necessary to provide some 

stringent means of dealing with them. The 
Blot Act, j^JQt )^Qt ^ag therefore brought forward and 

^^^^' made perpeti^al. It provides that " if any twelve 

persons are unlawfully assembled to the disturbance of the 
peace, and any justice of the peace shall think proper to com- 
mand them by proclamation to disperse, if they remain together 
for one hour afterwards, they shall be guilty of felony." By 
a subsequent clause the pulling down of chapels and build- 
ings is made subject to the same penalty. This act, though 
seemingly harsh and arbitrary, proved a most efficacious way of 
suppressing disturbances which otherwise would either have 
been unpunishable, or else have been dealt with by some strained 
construction of the Law of Treason, — a proceeding somewhat 
akin to hunting a mad dog with horse artillery. 

The Grovernment did not increase in popularity by its foreign 
policy. One of its first acts was to quarrel with Sweden on 

the purely Hanoverian question of Bremen and 
Verden ^^ Verden. These territories, which belonged to 

Sweden, had been sold by the King of Denmark 
to Hanover. George at once insisted on the despatch of an 
English fleet to the Baltic, and in this the Ministry acquiesced,, 
alleging that these provinces command the mouths of the Elbe 
and Weser, the natural inlets of English trade into Germany, 
and therefore it was to the interest of England that they should 
be in the hands of a friendly power in case of war. There was 



1 



\.%\ 
\ 'J' 



Jacobitism, 31 



a great deal of truth in this argument ; but there was still more 
truth in the reply of the opposition that this remarkable view 
of British interests would never have occurred to the Ministry 
if the king had not been Elector of Hanover. 

The result of these unpopular acts and severities was that 
the tide of discontent ran stronger and stronger in England. 
Jacobite outrages and plots were reported in all directions. It 
was confidentially asserted that an invasion was imminent, and 
would be supported by France. The danger of a rebellion 
became so serious, there was so much uncertainty as to where 
it would break out, that officers were hurrying from London to 
all parts — to Chester, to Dover, to Newcastle, to Portsmouth, 
to Berwick, to Plymouth, to Hull, to Carlisle,— east, west, 
south, and north, the messengers went flying from the capital 
to whatever point seemed likely to prove dangerous. One 
hundred thousand pounds were offered for the body of the 
Pretender, dead or alive, if taken in England. 

Meanwhile, at the Tory coffee-houses in London the portrait 
of the Chevalier was passed from hand to hand. Eecruiting for 
his service steadily went on, even, it was reported,' among the 
king's own foot guards. The Whigs were scandalized to hear 
that a priest in Edinburgh had asked the prayers of his con- 
gregation for " a young gentleman who either was, or soon would 
he, at sea on a hazardous enterprise," The papers, however, 
ridiculed all idea of danger. The stout-hearted king stiU pre- 
served his dauntless demeanour. 

Then, on Nov. 8 th, expresses came galloping in post-haste 
from Edinburgh with the news of the raising of the Jacobite 
standard on the Braes of Mar, and the outbreak of the 
EebelHon. 



Section 2. — The Jacobite Rebellion o/ 1715. 

Many causes combined to create discontent in Scotland. 
The whole system of clanship which formed the 
basis of society in the Highlands, was founded g^^^^®^ ^^ 
on the half-feudal tie existing between the clans- discontent, 
men and their hereditary chief. The feeling of 
loyalty, therefore, beginning with the lower steps of the social 
pyramid, gradually concentrated itself with the greatest fervour 



32 Ministry of Townshend, 



"\'^>i"\" 



round the person of the hereditary king. Moreover, the here- 
ditary king was a Scotchman himseK, and it 
Loyalty. ^^^ gratifying to the national pride to consider 

that England was ruled by Scotland, however far from the 
actual truth this flattering theory might be. Secondly, a here- ; 
ditary feudal quarrel had always raged between the powerful -'^ 
clan Campbell and the other clans who were jealous of its pre^' ;;0 
dominance. This quarrel coloured the politics of the two 
J, , parties, and, as the Duke of Argyle, the head 

of the Campbells, had always been a staunch 
Whig, the rival clans were hotly Tory, not so much out of 
sympathy with the Stuarts as hatred of the MacCallum More. ' 
In the Lowlands the predominant influences were religious. 
The Presbyterians had long sufi'ered a cruel persecution, for 
religion's sake, at the hands of the Episcopalians during the 
. . reigns of Charles II. and James II. Their first 

° ' act, therefore, after the deposition of James in 

1688, had been the establishment of the Presbyterian reJigion, 
and destruction of the Episcopalian ascendency. With old 
wounds rankling in their hearts, it was not likely that they 
would treat their persecutors with over-lenity in the hour of 
their triumph. The Episcopalians, therefore, and still more the 
Catholics, looked to the Stuarts as their champions, and dreamt 
of a Eestoration both in Church and State. But — most im- 
portant of all — there was a standing quarrel between England ' 
Patriotism ^^^ Scotland as nations. The Scotch people had ' 

never forgiven the failure of the Darien Scheme,^^; 
which they attributed solely to the selfishness of England ; and 
they smarted under the yoke, which, they considered, had been 
forced on them by the Union. They were sharp enough to see 
that this Union really meant the gradual absorption of Scotland vf ; 
by England, and, however much this may have been to the 
advantage of the former country, all the elements of unreasoning 
patriotism were aroused against it. It is to this feeling that we 
owe the Jacobite song of the Thistle : — 

The Thistle at length preferring the Rose 

To all the gay flowers of the plain, 
Throws off all her points, herself she anoints. 

And soon are united the twain. 
But one cold stormy day, when helpless she lay. 

No longer could sorrow refrain, 
She fetched a deep groan, with many Ohon ' 

'' Oh, were I a Thistle again 1 '•' 



Death of Louis XIV. 33 

Everything English therefore was thoronghly unpopular, and 
the extreme Nationalists regarded any act of aggression on 
England as a righteous retaliation. With the exception, there- 
fore, of the Campbells, the Presbyterians, and the commercial 
classes, who saw the real advantages of the Union, all Scotland 
was ready to hail the Kestoration of the Stuarts, and quite a 
respectable number were willing to fight for the cause. 
. To the success of such a scheme, three things seemed essential ; 
first, that the rising in England should take place simultaneously 
with that in Scotland ; secondly, that the Pre- 
tender himself should be present when his success.* ^ ^^ 
standard was first raised ; thirdly, that France 
should furnish some assistance. As it was^ however, partly 
owing to mismanagement and incapacity, partly owing to un- 
lucky circumstances, not one of these objects was exactly 
obtained. All the energies of Bolingbroke were directed, on 
his arrival in France, to extracting a distinct promise of 
assistance. The Ministers of Louis XIY., however, declared 
frankly that the maintenance of the peace with England was 
indispensable to the French nation in its then 
exhausted state, and that therefore no open sup- 
port could be afforded, but that secret supplies of money, arms, 
and ammunition, shoiild not be withheld, The truth was that 
Louis was disgusted with the conduct of the Whig Ministry, 
and especially with their insisting on the demolition of the 
port at Mardyke. Therefore he was willing to do them an ill 
turn a^ ,far as h.e dared. With this view he persuaded the 
King 6i-%>ain to supply a sum of money, and allowed a small 
squadron to be equipped at Havre at his own expense. The 
hopes of the Jacobites in this quarter were, however, dashed to 
the ground by the death of Louis in September, jj^^^j^ ^f 
Orleans, as we have seen, was rather inclined j^^^^g^ 
to friendship with England. Anyhow, he was 
determined not to commit himself to the Pretender, and so all 
chance of foreign assistance was gone. 

So far, then, the plot had been marked chiefly by ill-success. 
The flight of Ormond had given it the first blow. The death 
of Louis was a far heavier one. Under these circumstances 
Bolingbroke despatched a messenger to London to tell the Earl 
of Mar,— that he understood it to be his lordship's opinion that 
Scotland could do nothing effectual without England,— that 
England would not stir without assistance from abroad,— that 



34 Ministry of Townshend. 



no assistance from abroad could be expected; and that his 
lordship would draw the obvious conclusion that the time for 
decisive action had not yet come. 

This message arrived too late. The Pretender had recklessly 
Lord M r hurried the matter on, and, without consulting 

Bolingbroke or Berwick, the two ablest men of his 
party, had entrusted the Earl of Mar with the duty of rousing 
the Highlands. Mar was a man of no capacity whatever, and 
to commit the expedition to his care was to ensure its failure. 
He now went to London, endeavoured to lull suspicion by an 
offer of service, and, finding it promptly rejected, gallopped down 
Aldersgate Street next morning, and took the great north road 
that led to the Highlands. His chief influence was in Aber- 
deenshire, north of the Grampian Hills. There, at the end of 
. August, he assembled the chieftains of the Jaco- 

the clans ^ ^^^® clans to the celebrated hunting- match at 

Braemar. Thither came the Marquises of Tulli- 
bardine and Huntley, eldest sons of the Dukes of Athol and 
Gordon, the Earls of Southesk, Nithisdale, Marischal, Seaforth, 
Errol, Traquair, Carnwath, and Linlithgow, the Chiefs of Glen- 
garry and Glendarule. He was joined later by Lord Panmure, 
the Mackintoshes, the Chieftain of Clan-Eanald, Hay of Kin- 
noull, and many other influential partisans. The Jacobite standard 
was forDially raised. James IIL was solemnly proclaimed, in 
the midst of the assembled clans. King of England, Scotland, 
and Ireland ; the rebellion had begun in earnest. Evil omens, ; 
however, from the very first heralded the fate of the rising, 
for no sooner was the standard erected than the ornamental 
ball at the top fell off, much to the dismay of the superstitious 
Highlanders. The Pretender was now obliged to make some ^ 
attempt to second his lieutenant. He left Lorraine, hurried . 
across France, and reached St. Malo in safety. There he found 
Ormond preparing to invade the English coast with a small 

expedition. The winds, however, were con- 

Ormondes *^^^^' ^^^ ^^ ^^^ unable to move, until the 

invasion. presence of the English fleet rendered any 

movement likely to be fatal. 
The English Government meanwhile acted with the greatest 
energy, promptitude, and severity. The Habeas Corpus Act''' 
was suspended ; the Riot Act used actively to suppress rioting ; 
the principal Jacobites arrested ; all available troops moved up 
at once to the West, where the real danger was supposed to He • 



Progress of the Rebellion. 35 

fresh regiments organized with all possihle speed; and help 

demanded from Holland, in accordance with the 

clause in the Treaty of Utrecht to preserve the Government 

Protestant succession. Lastly, Argylb was sent 

to the north to put down the Rebellion in Scotland. The 

vigorous action of the* Government had now really stamped out 

the flames which were breaking out with such fury, and, though 

some sparks still smouldered dangerously in the' north, it was 

merely a question of time, and the conflagration would be at an ' 

end. 

Meanwhile, Mar' had succeeded in raising an army of 12,000 
men, and partially arming them with equipments carried off 
from an English vessel in the Forth by the 
gallant young Master of Sinclair. He was de^ the EebeUion 
sirous of carrying the war south as soon as 
possible, in order to- join the Jacobites in England, who, he 
considered, would rise en masse as soon as the Scots crossed the 
JBorder. However,, he found Argyle posted in front of him, 
with a much better army in point of weapons, if not of numbers. 
Argyle was prepared to- defend the line of the Forth River to 
the utmost, in order, if possible, to shut the Eebellion up in 
the Highlands, and compel it to wear itself out in ineffectual 
efforts. Mar wasted a great deal of valuable j^r * • 
time on the excuse of waiting for the Pretender, action, 
who was momentarily expected. But the neces- 
sity for action at last impressed itself on even his dull imagina- 
tion. Brigadier MackintoTsli was therefore entrusted with the 
command of a small force, with orders to cross the Firth of 
Forth, as best he could, and march straight into England. The 
dangerous passage was successfully accomplished in a fleet of 
open boats, and, after vainly attempting to surprise Edinburgh, 
Mackintosh, with his little army, struggled over the rough 
country of the Lammermuir to Kelso, and joined the !N'orth- 
umbrian insurrection. 

. The Northumbrian rebels were more imposing as regards 
names than numbers. They consisted of many 
of the leading men of the counties, but they iRebellion. 
were unable to muster more than 300 followers, 
and in consequence Sir Walter Scott describes them con- 
temptuously as **a handful of Northumbrian foxhunters." 
Their leaders were the Earl of Derwentwater, Lord Wid- 
drington, and Mr. Forster. The chief command was given 

D 2 



36 Ministry of Townshend. 

to Mr. Forster, " not on account of his superior influence or 
station, still less from any supposed abilities or military know- 
ledge," — to quote the withering words of Lord Mahon, — " hut 
simply because he was a Protestant, and because it was thought 
unwise to rouse the popular animosity by placing a Papist at 
their head." They were joined by a similar rising of country 
gentlemen and Catholic peers from the south-west of Scotland, 
headed by the Earls of Carnwath, Nithisdale, Wintoun, and 
Lord Kenmure. The combined forces, which did not amount 
to much more than 500 horse, commanded by Mr. Forster, 
marched to Kelso, which Mackintosh had appointed as the 
meeting-place. " Then there is report of irresolute hurrying 
here, and of equally irresolute wending elsewhere, of scares and 
scurries, of hurried saddlings of horses, leaving mangers full of 
corn, and of panics — which sent crowds of rebels pell-mell into 
rivers, which they forded at great peril — and all to avoid 
General Carpenter, who was supposed to be on their heels." 
It was long before the Scots would consent to cross the Border 
at all, and matters had almost come to an open quarrel between 
the two nationalities before the invasion of Lancashire was 
finally decided on. ITever was an unlucky journey heralded ' 
by worse omens. They took the old western road, which passed ' 
by Solway Moss and Preston, through country which seemed 
to breathe of Scotch disasters. They received no assistance 
from the Catholics of Cumberland and Westmoreland. Though i 
they picked up a large body of recruits in Lancashire, it was 
only in the shape of an ill-armed, undisciplined rabble, who 
were more an encumbrance than a succour. They were driven 
like sheep from pillar to post by Generals Carpenter and 
Wills. Finally, when they found themselves surrounded at 
Battle of Preston, Mr. Forster insisted on retiring to 

Preston. ^^^» instead of preparing for battle. This, how- 

ever, was too much. He was hunted out by his 
colleagues, and it was decided that the army should confine 
itself to defending the town, abandoning the bridge over 
the Eibble; which was much the same as if the garrison 
of a beleaguered fortress were to . confine itself to defending 
the citadel, without attempting to dispute the outworks. A 
gallant resistance, however, was offered to General Wills*' 
troops, when they assaulted the town, and they were compelled 
to retire. This shows what might have been effected with 
better generalship. Early next morning General Carpenter J 



Battle of Sheriffmuir, 37 



arrived with his cavalry, and, though even then the king's 
troops did not exceed 2000 men, this was enough to frighten Mr.- 
Eorster into surrendering at discretion,. Novem^ber 13th. Thus 
ingloriously ended the English part of the insurrection. 

The rebels in Scotland had not fared much better. Any 
man with the slightest pretensions to military knowledge would 
have been master of Scotland six weeks before. "With far 
less force," says Sir Walter Scott, '* than Mar had at his dis- 
posal, Montrose gained eight victories and overran Scotland ; 
with fewer numbers of Highlanders, Dundee gained the battle 
of Killiecrankie ; with almost half the troops assembled in 
Perth, Charles Edward in 1745 marched as far as Derby, and 
gained two victories over regular troops. But in 1715, by one 
of those misfortunes which dogged the House of Stuart since 
the days of Eobert II.,, they wanted a man of military talent 
just at the time when they possessed an unusual quantity 
of military means." Mar continued to linger at 
Perth, and by this senseless delay allowed Argyle f^^l^^ttir 
to obtain a large reinforcement from Ireland. In 
November he seemedTto^wake to an appreciation of the situation, 
and marched south towards Dumblane. Argyle, hearing of 
this, moved hastUy forward, and the two armies met, JN o^ember 
13th, on the old parade-ground of the~TJenteiIlrmilitia, which 
was called the Sheriffmuir. The battle was hotly contested. 
The superior generalship^ of Argyle enabled him to take the 
enemy V left in flank and' drive them in precipitate disorder 
across, the Allan River, three miles distant. But the Royalist 
left was imable to withstand the furious onslaught of the High- 
landers commanded by Lord Mar and led by the veteran Chiefs 
of Clan-Ranald and Grlengarry. In a few minutes they gave 
way, and fled tumultuously towards Stirling. The two armies 
were therefore now in a very singular situation. Each had 
defeated the other's left, and yet the peculiar curve of the 
ground prevented either of the victorious divisions being aware 
of the fate of their companions for some time. When, however, 
inteUigence of Argyle's partial success was brought to Mar, his 
energy seems to have entirely deserted him, and without wait- 
ing to try the issue again with his triumphant clansmen, he 
quietly took the road to Dumblane. It was then that the 
indignant Highlanders gave vent to their thoughts in the cele- 
brated exclamation, " Oh for an hour of Dundee ! " The victory 
thus remained with the English, and the same day, November 



38 Ministry of Townshend, 



13th, had proved equally fatal to both branches of the insur- 
rection. 

Argyle now returned to Stirling to mount guard over the 
passage of the Forth. Mar retired also to waste more time at 
Perth. His partisans began to desert him. The Whig clans, 
too, were harassing the country of their enemies, and this fur- 
nished a good pretext for fresh desertions. All hope of an 

English Kebeilion was at an end, and so when 
arrives '^^ the Pretender landed, December 22nd, in the 

ancient kingdom of his fathers, the Jacobite cause 
was at about as low an ebb as it could be. Both James and the 
Scotch leaders were grievously disappointed, — he that their 
numbers were so miserably small ; they that he came unaccom- 
panied by an army. Bold and decided measures were at once 
agreed on ; but it only needed the news that Argyle was once 
- ^-g , more on the march for it all to end in a regular 

' panic, which sent the insurgents helter-skelter off 

to Dundee and thence to Montrose. Argyle's advance was due 
to orders received from headquarters. The Ministry, in spite 
of their low opinion of the Pretender, could not believe that he 
would have come to Scotland unless he were supported by a 
French force ; and they considered immediate action the only way 
of stifling this fresh danger. As Argyle continued to advance, 
amid deep snow and the ashes of villages fired by the Jaco- 
deserts his ^i^^s, the Pretender took the mean determination 
friends. ^^ deserting his friends and returning to France. 

Having therefore completely deceived them by 
sending forward his baggage with the main body of the array, 
he and Lord Mar slipped out of the back door the night of the 
4th of February, and embarking on board a small French vessel, 
landed safely at Gravelines. He left a commission behind him 
appointing General Gordon commander-in-chief ; but his own 
life was far too precious to risk any longer. Well might the 
scathing condemnation of Charles I. be applied to him : " Then 
IS no man who would he false to Ms countrij, false to his friends, 
false to himself; except the king^except the king:' 

The suppression of the Rebellion was followed by the im- 
peachment of the Lords Derwentwater, Kenmure, Nithisdale 
Widdimgton, Nairn, Carnwath, and Wintoun. The first six 
pleaded guilty, though some urged various pitiful pleas in ex- 
tenuation. Lord Wintoun pleaded not guilty and sustained a 
trial. They were all condemned to death as evident traitors ; 



The Septennial Act. 39 



and then every kind of influence was brought on the king to 
obtain a reprieve. The combined petitions of the 
Lords, the ladies at Court, and the wives of the ^73J,'^^°^^^i* 
condemned, succeeded in saving Widdrington, ^ e re e s. 
Carnwath, and ITairn. Derwent water and Kenmure were exe- 
cuted ; but Fithisdale succeeded in escaping from Newgate in 
woman ^s clothes brought to him by his devoted wife ; and his 
escape was shortly followed by that of Wintoun, Mackintosh, 
and Forster. Of the rest, many olB&cers were hanged or -shot ; the 
common men were in some cases decimated and transported, in 
others punished lightly and released. "IBills of Attainder were 
passed against Mar, Tullibardine, and others, in their absence. 
Derwentwater and Kenmure died like men at Tyburn, staunch 
to their opinions ; but this terrible example served .to frighten 
many into loyalty who had long played recklessly with secret 
treason. The consequence was that, though rioting prevailed 
for some time in London and the large towns, violence gradually 
abated, and the Jacobites were obliged once more to pursue 
their schemes in silence until a fitting opportunity should again 
arise for open action. 

Section 3. — Tlie Septennial Act, 1716. 

The immediate and most important consequence of the Re- 
bellion was a change in' the duration of Parliament. There is 
no doubt that at the time the constitutional advantages of seven 
over three years, great as they certainly are, were , 

not of much weight. • The measure was a purely ^^liT^^il^ 
temporary one, devised to meet a great and 
pressing danger of the moment which no partisan of the House of 
Hanover could contemplate without alarm. In accordance with 
the Triennial Bill of 1694, Parliament, having now sat for almost 
three years, was about to be dissolved, and the country given 
over to all the licence and disorder of a general election at a 
time when a rebellion was hardly quelled, when an invasion 
was still threatened, and when the Government was highly 
' unpopular among a large section of the people. The Ministry, 
alarmed at the prospect of riots at the elections and the possible 
return of a Jacobite majority, determined to bring in a bill 
prolonging the sittings of Parliament to seven years. The 
Septennial Act was therefore proposed in the Lords by the 
Duke of Devonshire, and carried by a majority of thirty. It 



40 Ministry of Townshend, 



was then sent down to the Commons, where, after a warm 
contest, it finally passed by an overwhelming majority. The 
importance of the constitutional results of this Act was so great, 
that a slight digression on the subject may well be excused. 

It really completed the icork of the Revolution by eman- 
R suits cipating the House of Commons from the servile 

^^^ ' dependence in which it had been held by the 

Crown and Lords. In the then corrupt state of the represen- 
tative system, a general election merely meant a fresh exercise 
of the influence of the Crown and Lords to secure members 
favourable to their views. These members, elected in this 
way, naturally became to a great extent mere mouthpieces 
of their patrons, and were held well in hand by the prospect 
of another election in three years, when their re-election could 
only be secured as the reward for unquestioning obedience, > 
The county members contrived to preserve a certain amount of 
independence ; but the representatives of the small corrupt 
boroughs, which existed in such numbers, were merely the 
nominees of the great landowners or the Crown, The result 
had been to give an undue importance to the Lords. Their 
seats were quite safe, and so they -were guided in their political 
conduct solely by their own personal views ; while, as a rule, 
each peer had' a number of vassals in the Commons whom he 
could rely on to act as the exponents of his opinions. It natu- 
rally became of the highest importance to Ministers to stand 
well with the Lords ; and so for the fii'st twenty years after the 

Eevolution the government was carried on mainly 
o/the from tliat body. The Prime Minister usually was 

Commons. a peer himself, or became one shortly after his 

accession to office. Nothings in fact, is more 
surprising to our modern ideas in the annals of that time than 
the readiness with which Harley, St. John, Stanhope, and 
other great Ministers, were moved up to the Lords without any 
adequate motive, and without considering the gap which their 
departure would make in the Lower House. The Septennial 
Act went a long way to remove these anomalies. The 
Commons, having now a longer lease of life, began to act 
independently of their patrons, and, assuming a more senatorial 
character, were guided by their own opinions in legislation 
Emancipation ^-^^ action, instead of acting merely as the 
of Commons. instruments of the Lords. The result was that 

the Commons gradually wrested the govern- 



Tncrease of Corruption; 41 

ment of the country from the hands of the latter, and though 
this fact was not definitely realized till the next century, yet 
/from this time the Prime Minister was usually content with a 
seat in the Commons. Walpole, Pelham, and the younger 
Pitt, governed from the Lower House. So did the elder Pitt 
during his first great Ministry ; nor was it till his powers were 
faihng, and he was really unahle any longer to cope with the 
turbulence of a popular assembly, that he retired to the Upper 
House, and thus prepared the way for the speedy downfall of 
his Government. 

The immediate result, however, of the Septennial Act was 
undoubtedly to render possible the gigantic systems of bribery 
by which Walpole, !N"ewcastle, and later George III., held in 
hand their docile majorities in the Commons. The removal of 
the sliffht check exercised on members by their , ^ - • 

patrons and constituencies, at a time when public corruption 
opinion had little or no influence on the pro- 
ceedings of Parliament, naturally rendered their support more 
valuable to Ministers, and themselves more open to corruption. 
It became customary, therefore, for Ministers to strengthen the 
attachment of doubtful allies and reward the devotion of sturdy 
partisans by considerations, sometimes in hard cash, sometimes 
in the equally acceptable form of office or pension. The only 
danger was that it might happen that a man of no virtue or 
honour might raise himself to the position of Prime Minister by 
dint of vast wealth which he had plundered from the nation, 
and maintain himself by the same means, regardless of the oppo- 
sition of all the ancient families, all the men of sense, figure, and 
fortune in the nation. This danger was very eloquently painted 
by Sir William Windham, a prominent Tory, in a stirring 
speech advocating the Kepeal of the Septennial Act, 1734. It 
was, however, undoubtedly considerably coloured by party 
malice, and the best answer to this argument is that the danger 
never did actually arise. The history of the eighteenth century 
proves that the people did possess a certain amount of influence 
in Parliament which made itself felt in times of real excitement, 
nor could the most would-be-despotic king or Minister resist the 
progress of public opinion long. 

The results of the Septennial Act were, in the long run, de- 
cidedly beneficial to the Constitution. The publicity of debates 
and the growth of parliamentary reporting since then has 
enabled the constituencies to keep a watchful eye on their 



42 Ministry of Townshend, 



representatives, while the balance of public opinion is pretty 

faithfully indicated by the Press. Corruption 
resuuf ^ has therefore died a natural death, and a Minister 

has to rely mainly on the value of his measures 
to obtain the support of Parliament, though it is impossible to 
entirely exclude the undesirable influence of other and meaner 
considerations. 

The constitutional results are the great justification of the 
Act in the eyes of posterity. Its immediate advantages were 
undoubtedly its strongest recommendation to the Ministry. 

Still the evils of the old triennial system were 
Objections to thoroughly appreciated and ably advanced by 
Parliaments. ^^^ Whigs. Sir Eichard Steele drew a ludicrous 

picture of the proceedings of a Triennial Parlia- 
ment. The first year was devoted to quarrelling over the elec- 
tions. The second to quarrelling with the policy of their 
predecessors. The third in trying to carry out some policy of 
their own, until the approach of a fresh election terrified them 
into doing nothing at all for fear of ofiending their patrons. 
" Thus the state of England," he concluded, " has been like that 
of a vessel in distress at sea ; the pilot and mariners have been 
wholly employed in keeping the ship from sinking ; the art of 
navigation was useless, and they never pretended to make sail." 
Moreover, Lord Somers and Speaker Onslow, both very high 
authorities on constitutional matters, declared that the Septen- ; 
nial Act would be the greatest possible support to the liberty ;l 
of the country. This foresight, however, must have been 
confined to a very few of the more thoughtful politicians. 

Shortly after the passing of the Septennial Act, a bill was 
carried which disqualified for sitting in the House of Commons 
p, , .,, any person holding a pension from the Crown 

during pleasure or for a number of years. This 
indicates that the dependent state of the Commons and its 
causes were beginning to be realized. 



Section 4,^ Schism in the Ministry, 1716. 

The king now determined to revisit his beloved Hanover.' 
So in spite of the advice of his Ministers and the manifest in- 



Schism m the Ministry, 43 



repeal of tlie restraining clause in the Act of Settlement. This 
motion was singularly enough passed in Parlia- 
ment without a dissentient voice, and so the first ^^^g^^^j^®" 
ohstacle to his departure was easily removed, ^nd Prince 
The second, however, was of infinitely greater of Wales, 
dimensions. It always was a peculiarity of the 
House of Hanover that the head for the time being could not 
get on with his Prince of Wales. Out of five Princes of Wales 
that have succeeded to the title since the death of Anne, four 
have gone into bitter opposition. George I. entertained the 
most invincible jealousy ot his son. It had arisen originally in 
-Hanover ; it had been inflamed by an unsuccessful Tory pro- 
posal to aUot the prince 100,000^. as a separate revenue ; and 
now it stood in the way of the obvious constitutional course of 
appointing the Prince Kegent during his father's absence. 

Townshend naturally took advantage of this to urge again 
his own objections to George's departure from England at all, 
and to insist that, if the king persevered in his determination, 
the ancient constitutional practice with regard to the Regency 
should not be receded from. George therefore was obliged to 
give in, and the Prince was appointed guardian 
and lieutenant of the realm, an old title once ftnarrel be- 
conferred on the Black Prince, which seemed to ^^rTownf- 
imply less power than that of Regent. The tend, 
opposition, however, offered by Lord Townshend 
to this outrageous wish of the king produced a coolness between 
them which George's Hanoverian favourites skilfully contrived 
to fan into a rooted distrust on the part of the king. These 
favourites were his two mistresses, created respectively Duchess 
of Kendal and Countess of Darlington, his chief advisers 
Bothmar and Bemsdorf, and his private secretary Robethon. 
These worthy people were highly dissatisfied at tbeir share of 
the English plunder, which fell far short of what they had ex- 
pected. They hated Townshend, whom they re- « r^jgHanover 
garded as their chief enemy, and they hoped and ^^^^ „ 
pined for a new and golden era under some 
Minister of their own choosing. It therefore was really ex- 
tremely unfortunate for Townshend that Stanhope, a man of 
great ability and high in favour with the king, should have 
been selected to accompany him to Hanover. 

Another difference shortly arose between the king and his 
Minister on the subject of Mecklenburg, which Russia had 



44 Ministry of Townshend-, 

invaded apparently with tlie intention of seizing it. George 

insisted on war with Kussia ; Townshend main- 
^^e'luon^''''^ tained that war with Eussia would free the hands 

of Sweden, and enable Gortz and his master 
to support the cause of the Stuarts, to which they seemed 
inclined. The matter was finally settled by the withdrawal 
of Eussia, but the breach between George and Townshend was 
considerably widened. 

They soon came to an open collision. George was desirous 
of an alliance with France to counteract the growing power of 
Spain and the uncertain attitude of Austria, who was too much 
irritated by the Treaty of Utrecht and the Barrier Treaty to be 
friendly towards England. Dubois and Orleans, after some 
haggling over the terms, agreed to give up the cause of the 

Stuarts on the condition that England would 
AUiance guarantee the exclusion of Philippe Y. from the 

Crown of France. All that was necessary to 
conclude this alliance was the consent of the Dutch, and as the 
peculiarities of their constitution caused some delay, George 
impatiently insisted on signing the treaty without them. 
Townshend, however, refused to throw them over in this way ; 
and this opposition brought the quarrel between king and 
Minister to such a crisis that it only needed a recommendation 
from the latter, that the Prince Eegent should be entrusted 
with additional powers, to cause his dismissal by the irritable 
king. The quarrel was afterwards patched up for a time ; only, 

however, to break out again with greater violence 
To^nXid^ very shortly afterwards. The result was the 
l^l^ * final dismissal of Townshend and all his fol- 

lowers, including Walpole and Pulteney, from 
the Ministry. 



Ministry of Stanhope, 45 



CHAPTEE lY. 

MINISTRY OF STANHOPE, 1717-21. 

Section 1 . — Gortz and Alberoni, 1717-21. 

The result of the Ministerial crisis was tliat Stanhope became 
the head of the Government, as iGbrst Lord of the Treasury and 
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sunderland and Addison Secre- \ 
taries of State, James Craggs Secretary at War, while the Duke \ 
of Newcastle brought his vast family and parlia- . 

mentary influence into the Ministry as Lord ^^^ ^^' 
Chamberlain. Lord Cowper retained his old post of Lord 
Chancellor. The Government had to contend against the vigorous 
and unscrupulous opposition of th^ followers of Walpole and 
Townshend. 

The first act of the Ministry was to conclude the Triple 
Alliance with France and Holland, by which 
these three powers agreed to guarantee those Hanc 1717 
clauses in the Peace of Utrecht which had refer- * 

ence to the Protestant succession in England, the succession of 
Orleans to the Crown of France, and the renunciation of 
Philippe V, It was the conclusion of this treaty which opened 
the eyes of Alberoni to the hopelessness of expecting the assist^ 
ance of either England or France in his schemes against Austria. 
He therefore determined to act without them. It was at this 
time, when he was seeking for fresh allies, that he came into 
connection with Baron Gortz. 

Gortz had succeeded in persuading Charles XII. to ally him- 
self with Eussia in order to wreak vengeance on ^qj^^'s Blot • 
, the Elector of Hanover. Peter the Great, who was 
irritated by George's high -handed interference in the Mecklen- 
burg affair, entered willingly into the plot on condition 
that the Baltic Provinces, which he had conquered from 



^6 Ministry of Stanhope, 

-^ '^-^^ 

Sweden, should be permanently ceded by that power. The 
design was that a body of 12,000 Swedes should proceed to 
Scotland and be taken into the pay of the Pretender. This, it 
seemed, might be very easily effected, for no one had the slightest 
idea of the scheme, and with favourable winds Scotland and 
Sweden were not much more than forty-eight hours' passage 
apart. Gortz therefore went to the Hague, and carried on 
active communications with Count Gyllembourg and Earon 
Spaar, the Swedish ministers at the Courts of St. James and 
Versailles. He also opened negotiations with the Pretender, 
the Duke of Ormond, the Duke of Maine, and — most important 
of all — Alberoni The latter entered warmly into the scheme; 
and furnished a subsidy of one million livres. Gortz therefore 
was able to elaborate the threads of his conspiracy, which in- 
cluded not only the invasion of Scotland by the Swedes, but 
also two simultaneous insurrections of the Jacobites in England - 
and the adherents of the Duke of Maine in France. 

Stanhope, however, had long suspected what was going on. 
Some letters, therefore, between Gyllembourg and Gortz were 
seized by the Government,, and gave them a full clue to the 
whole conspiracy. Gyllembourg was arrested on the ground ' 

its failure *^^^^ ^® ^^^ violated the Law of J^ations, and 

thereby lost his international character, by con- 
spiring against the Government to which he was accredited. 
His papers were thoroughly examined, and fully confirmed the 
charges of the Ministry. This vigorous action was followed by 
the arrest of Gortz by the Dutch, which was far less justifiablei^ 
as Gortz was only conspiring against an ally of Holland, noli 
against the Dutch Government itself. This removal of its head 
paralyzed the limbs of the conspiracy, while the conspirators 
were afraid to move now that the objects of their attacks were 
placed so thoroughly on their guard. 

Alberoni was not yet ready for open war, and was therefore 
Alberoni. 7.^^^ unwilling to show his hand. He required ' 

time to perfect his reforms, and he was states- 
man enough to realize the danger of plunging recklessly into • 
hostilities before his preparations were complete. The irritable 
pride of the king, however, took the matter out of his control, 
and forced him into war in spite of his openly expressed reluc- 
tance. The king was already furiously angry with Austria, 
whom he regarded as the spoiler of his fairest provinces This 
feeling was thoroughly reciprocated by Austria. So when the 



Alberoni. 47 



Austrian Government ordered the arrest, of the Spanish In- 
quisitor-General on his way through Lombardy, in order to get 
what information they could from his papers 'with regard to 
the designs of Spain, Philippe was so highly incensed at the 
deliberate insult that he insisted on declaring war at once. 

War being inevitable, Alberoni was determined that it should 
be successful. An expedition was sent to conquer Sardinia, and 
thence to proceed to Sicily. Here, however, the Triple Alliance 
thought fit to interfere, and imperiously oTdered 
Alberoni to give up all his designs on Italy, ^^^ between 
promising in return to secure the succession of gpain 
Parma and Tuscany to Don Carlos. The emperor 
was to be induced to agree to these terms and to give up 
his ridiculous claims to the title of King of Spain, by being 
allowed to exchange his barren island of Sardinia for the more 
fertile and important Sicily. Alberoni, however, furious at the 
domineering tone of the powers, peremptorily refused to accede 
to their views, and determined to revive again in a more extended 
form the conspiracy which had fallen helplessly from the hands 
of Gortz. Dubois and Stanhope therefore entered into active 
communications with one another. Dubois even came to London 
to facilitate the despatch of business. The result of these 
negotiations was that England, France, Holland, and Austria, 
entered into- a ftuadruple Alliance, 1718, by 
which they agreed to compel Spain, if necessary, Qp^adruple 
to abstain from interference in Italy, and to ^^^g ' 
accept the terms offered her already by the Triple 
Alliance. Undeterred by this threatening combination, Alberoni 
organized armaments at home and intrigued for help abroad 
with equal vigour. He artfully excited the indignation of the 
Duke of Savoy ag9.inst the proposal of the powers to make him 
accept Sardinia instead of Sicily, and at the same- time gratified 
liis acquisitive propensities by promising him. part of the 
Milanese; He encouraged the Turks to continue the war with 
Austria, though repeated thrashings had inspired 
them with a desire for peace. He roused up -qIq^^^^^^ 
Eagotski, the exiled prince of Transylvania, to 
attempt the recovery of his ancient principality from the House 
of Austria. He persuaded Charles XII. and Peter the Great to 
forget their old animosities and combine together for vengeance 
on George I. He arranged am invasion of Scotland, which was 
to be headed by the Duke of Ormond, with ships, troops, and 



■^ 



48 Ministry of Stanhope. 



money, suppli^ed by Spain. Lastly, he incited aU the discon- 
tented elements in France, the Protestants, the Jesuits, and the 
adherents of the Duke of Maine, to rise simultaneously and 
overthrow the Government of the Eegent. 

Bad luck, however, pursued the conspiracy from point to 
point; and it merely added one more to the extraordinary 

series of political bubbles for which the period of 
?h ^b^bbl^^ George L is so remarkable. By judiciously, if 
^ ^ ®' not very generously, sacrificing the Venetians, 
George was able to obtain the Peace of Passarowitz for Austria, 
which satisfactorily ended the Turkish War. Admiral Byng 
destroyed the Spanish fleet off Cape Pesaro, and thus put an 
end to any further notions of invading Italy. The Quadruple 
Alhance brought so much pressure to bear on the Duke of 
Savoy, that he repented of his dangerous bargain with Alberoni, 
and accepted the hard terms of the powers. Charles XII., 
impatient of the delay, and bentjon war with some one, invaded 
Norway, which belonged to his old enemy, Denmark, and was 

accidentally shot while prosecuting the siege of the 
Death of frontier fortress of Friedrichshalle, a fitting end 

ins * ^0 ^^s tempestuous career. Gortz was executed 

as a traitor on the death of his master, the king- 
dom was declared elective, a republican government was estab- 
lished, and the crown settled on Ulrique Eleonore, the youngest 
.sister of Charles. Prom this time Sweden was entirely occupied 
with internal disputes and lost all importance in Europe. Peter 
the Great, seeing the failure of the conspiracy and the waaimess 
of Sweden, gave up all idea of interfering in England or Prance, 
and continued the old war with his ancient enemy amid unvary- 
ing successes. The north was thus entirely neutralized, and all 
the outlying branches of Alberoni's plot cut off. There still 
remained, however, the two insurrections in England and Prance, 
and the Jacobite invasion, from which great things might still 
be expected. The French plan was to seize the Duke of 
Orleans at one of his pleasure parties, convoke the States- 
General, proclaim the King of Spain Regent of France, and 
the Duke of Maine his deputy. Intelligence that some such 
plot was on foot was sent to the Regent both by Stanhope and 
the French Ambassador at Madrid, The Government, however, 

bided its time. The stupidity and carelessness 
French plot. ^ of Prince Cellamare, the Spanish agent, enabled 

Dubois to acquire documentary evidence of the 



Fall of Alberoni. 49 



plot, and this was followed immediately by the arrest of 

the Duke and Duchess of Maine, Cardinal Polignac, M. de 

Pompadour, Prince Gellamare himself,, and all the heads of the 

conspiracy. War at once ensued. The Duke of Berwick took 

the field with a French army of 30,000 men, and a series of 

successes soon amply revenged the intrigues of Alberoni. 

Meanwhile the Jacobite invasion had met with no better fortune. 

The stars in their courses seemed literally to fight against the 

House of Stuart. A small armament, a duodecimo edition of 

the Spanish Armada, did actually start from Cadiz under the 

command of Ormond,.but it was caught by a tremendous tempest 

in the Bay of Biscay, which handled it so roughly that only 

two frigates succeeded in reaching the coast of Scotland. The 

Earls Marischal and Seaforth, the Marquis of 

Tullibardine, and about 300 Spanish troops, Failure of ' 

landed and were ioined by a few hundred High- *^® Jacobite 

luvaiSiOii 
landers. They were easily suppressed, however. j^^iD. ' 

The Highlanders fled back to their caves and 
glens to mourn another defeat. The Spanish soldiers surrendered 
to the Eoyalist army and were sent to London, where they be- 
came quite the rage among the ultra-Tories. The unfortunate 
chiefs of the expedition succeeded eventually in escaping to 
Spain, after lurking in the Western Isles for some time till the 
ardour of pursuit had abated. In revenge for this aggression, 
an English squadron appeared off the Spanish coast, and, while 
the French army reduced the northern fortresses, the English fleet 
destroyed the arsenals, ships, and all the naval materiel which had 
been created with such difficulty for the new Spanish navy by 
Alberoni. Spain could not hold out in the face of these 
disasters. It became necessary to yield, and Alberoni made 
overtures, for peace. Stanhope, however, was determined to 
insist on the dismissal of Alberoni himself as the first pre- 
liminary. This determination naturally produced 
a great effect at Madrid, where the Minister was of Alberon? 
beginning to be regarded, with the usual in- 
gratitude of monarchs, as the author of the calamities of Spain. 
Moreover, he had always been unpopular, owing to his low birth 
and his genius. A combination of all the influential people 
took advantage of his ill-success to work on the unstable mind 
of Philippe, and the result was the ignominious dismissal of 
certainly the greatest Spanish statesman between the periods 
^qf Olivarez and Aranda, He retired to Italy, where, after 



50 Ministry of Stanhope, 



narrowly missing the Papacy on the death of Innocent XIII. , 
he died Legate of Bologna, 1752. 

„ After some attempts at haggling, which were foiled by the 
union and firmness of the four powers, Philippe agreed to accede 
to the Quadruple Alliance, January, 1719, thus making it 
Quintuple. Savoy therefore ceded Sicily to Austria, in ex- 
change for Sardinia, receiving in addition the 
jt^jg ' '' title of king of the latter country. The Spanish 

troops punctually evacuated Sicily and Sardinia 
within six months. Parma and Tuscany were guaranteed to 
Don Carlos, on the death of the present dukes. It was further 
arranged that a congress should meet to settle all outstanding 
questions to the general satisfaction. 

Dubois and Stanhope now turned their attention to the north, 
where war was still raging. Sweden, in her weakened state, 
had been only too glad to conclude a treaty under George's 
mediation, yielding him in perpetuity the Duchies of Bremen 
and Verden; acknowledging Augustus- of Saxony to be the 
rightful King of Poland \ ceding Stettin and some pieces of 
Swedish Pomerania to Prussia. The Danes and Eussians still 
remained obstinate, determined to totally ruin Sweden. Stan- 
hope, therefore, resorted to coercion. A British fleet was sent to 
the Baltic, Denmark was forced at the point of the bayonet to 
accept a peace, and the Eussian fleet was driven in inglorious ^ 

flight from the Swedish coast. These three 
SU)?kholm Treaties with England, Poland (in which Prussia 

1719-20. ' ^^^ included), and Denmark, form the Treaty of 

Stockholm, 1719-20, which is also known as the 
Peace of Queen Ulrique. 

Peace, however, was not concluded between Eussia and 
Treaty of Sweden till 1721, when, by the Treaty of 

Nystadt,1721. ^ystadt, it was agreed that Eussia should , 

retain Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, and Careha, 
restoring Finland to Sweden. 

The firmness, skill, and union of Stanhope and Dubois had 
therefore laid the foundations of peace for twelve years in 
Europe, though it was purchased at the expense of Venice, 
Sweden, and Spain. 

Section 2. — Troubles at Home, 

t 

All through this period Stanhope's Government had had to 



Troubles at Home. 51 



deal with the virulent opposition of Walpole and his party, and 
the harpy-like rapacity of the king's German 
favourites. A charge of fraud and embezzlement I°ipeacbinent 
was brought against Lord Cadogan, who had been ° adogan. 
concerned in the transport of the Dutch troops sent over to 
assist in putting down the Eebellion of 1715. The attack was 
led by the Jacobites, who really were disgusted at the zeal and 
ability he had shown in Scotland. To their astonishment, 
however, they were supported by Walpole and Pulteney, solely 
with the malicious desire of embarrassing the Government. 

Similar factiousness was displayed by this party with reo'ard 
to the impeachment of Harley, Earl of Oxford, 
which had dawdled on now for nearly two years. Failure of 
Walpole and Townshend were determined to o^^^ari^"^^^* 
save their old enemy. Pure shame prevented 1717^^ ^^' 
their openly advocating his cause, but they art- 
fully contrived to embroil the Houses of Lords and Commons 
on the subject. The Lords were induced to send a message to 
the Commons to the effect that they would not receive any 
evidence on the charge of misdemeanour until the accusation of 
treason had been argued out. It was well known, however, 
that the latter could not be substantiated, and this resolution 
was merely a blind, under which Harley was to escape. The 
Commons considered themselves insulted, and refused, in con- 
sequence, to proceed with the impeachment at all. As the 
managers did not therefore appear on the next day appointed 
for the continuance of the trial, the Lords, after going through . 
the solemn farce of waiting for a quarter of an hour for those 
who they knew were not coming, declared the impeachment 
at an end, In 1719 Walpole's conduct became even less justifi- 
able. Stanhope brought in a wise and enlightened measure for 
the Kepeal of all the Penal Laws against the Dissenters, and 
mitigating the miserable position of the Eoman Catholics. It 
is a remarkable fact that this , Minister, whose foreign policy 
was so despotic, should have anticipated, by more 
than a hundred years, the gi-eat relieving measure ?®j!^?*^ ^ *J^® 
of Lord John Russell. Obstacles, however, at ^7^9^ ' 

once sprang up. The resistance of the Tories, 
the High Churchmen, the Walpole Whigs, was foreseen, and in 
consequence the bill was presented to Parliament in a very 
mutilated form, practically amounting to merely a Repeal of 
th^ Schism Act. In spite of all his previous pledges, Walpola 

E 2 



52 Ministry of Stanhope, 



and his party bitterly attacked the bill, and it only passed by 
a majority of forty-two. The smallness of this majority pi^ecluded 
any further attempt to relieve the Dissenters by legislation. 
Nor was it till the first year of George II. that the expedient 
was hit upon of passing a Bill of Indemnity for those who had 
entered municipal office without properly qualifying by taking 
the sacrament in the English form. This measure, which was 
repeated from that time almost annually, practically threw open 
nearly all offices to the Protestant Dissenters as fully as if the 
Test Acts had been repealed. 

This same year, 1719, was also remarkable for the introduc- 
tion of the Peerage Bill. The object of this 
Peerage Bill, ^^ ^^^ partly to effectually shut up the entrance 
' , of the House of Lords against the German 

favourites of George, partly to obviate any dangerous attempts 
on the part of the Prince of Wales-, when he ascended the 
throne, to swamp the Whig majority in the Lords in his 
exasperation against his father's Ministers. The shadow of 
Harley still stalked darkly across the political horizon, and the 
memory of the creation of twelve peers to force the Peace of 
Utrecht through a hostile House was yet fresh in the minds 
of men. The king was easily induced to consent, and little 
opposition was expected from the Lords. The bill provided 
that the English peers should not be increased beyond six, 
except in the case of princes of the blood \ that for every extinc- 
tion there might be a fresh peerage created ; that the sixteen 
elective peers of Scotland should be transformed into twenty- 
five hereditary peers, whose numbers should be filled up, as 
occasion required, from the remainder. The bill was a purely 
party measure, and would have had very dangerous consequences 
to the Constitution. It would have shut the House of Lords 
against any reinforcements from the ranks below them, and 
thereby made them an exclusive body. Moreover, as they 
were entirely irresponsible, and had no fear of a general election 
dangling before their eyes, they would have been extremely 
difficult to influence, even when they were opposed to the 
general voice of the people. The present century has given 
repeated instances in which the Lords have found themselves 
in direct opposition to public opinion, and have only yielded 
after considerable pressure has been applied. It is easy to 
imagine that they would not have yielded at all, had it been 
impossible to apply such pressure, and that in consequence 



Return of Walpole. 53 

many necessary and salutary measures must have been thrown 
out. It might well seein fraught with impending evil that 
such a body, irresponsible, permanent, drawn from a particular 
class only, and that class one which has by no means shown 
itself the most eager for political progress, should be entrusted 
with a general veto on legislation. Fortunately, however, 
public indignation was aroused against it. Steele employed 
all his wonderful talent in exposing the secret evils of the 
measure. Walpole, still in opposition, both spoke and wrote 
against it, and on this occasion his hostility to Stanhope was 
-undoubtedly of great service to the country. The landowners 
were indignant that the House of Lords should be thus effectually 
closed against them, and that there should be no future possi- 
bility of obtaining that honour, "save through the winding- 
sheet of a decrepit lord, or the grave of an . . . 
extinct noble family." Therefore, though the 
measure passed easily in the Lords, it was thrown out in the 
Commons, after an animated debate, and vthe Constitution was 
saved. 

To modem ideas it seems as though Stanhope ought to .have 
resigned at once after a defeat on such an important Govern- 
ment measure. This view of the matter did not, however, 
occur to him, and nothing shows more clearly how little the 
true principles of party government were understood at the 
time. So far was the Ministry from being shaken 
by their failure, that they immediately received ^®a?pTle°to 
a new accession of strength. Walpole and his oflaoe. 
party, tired of languishing out in the cold of 
opposition, and despairing of producing any effect on .the 
adamantine armour of the Government, came over, in a body to 
their enemies, regardless of prejudice, principle, and personal 
rancour. Walpole became Paymaster of the Forces, and 
Townshend Lord President of the Council. Nothing can paint 
in more glaring colours the extraordinary political morality, or 
immorality, of the time than that the latter should, apparently 
for the sake of office solely, accept a subordinate position under 
his rival, in whose favour he had been ejected from the first place. 
And yet Townshend bears the highest possible character among 
the statesmen of his day. 



54 Ministry of Stanhope. 



Section 3.— The South Sea Bubble, 1720-21. 

This strong Government, which seemed so invulnerable to its 
enemies, was^ however, on the verge of a convulsion, which was 
to break it up entirely and destroy the men with whose names it 
was associated, leaving to Walpole the task of gathering together 
the fragments that remained, and building them up into a new 
and still more invincible Ministry. 

The origin of the South Sea Scheme was the general alarm 
NationalDebt ^^^^ which the increase of the National Debt 

was regarded. Under Queen Anne the pubHc 
liabilities had gradually augmented to fifty-two millions, owing 
to the enormous expenses of the wars. It was popularly 
imagined — and this opinion was shared by the greatest statesmen 
— that the nation could not bear such an enormous sum, and 
that national bankruptcy must be the ultimate result. A certain 
amount of justification existed for this idea in the fact that at 
this time France was nearly ruined by the immense weight of 
her public debt, that twice during the century she was obliged 
to declare herself bankrupt, and that the grand difficulty which 
beset the ministers of Louis XVI. was. to invent some plan for 
Frencli ." <^^o^i^g the deficit," in other words, of equaliz- S 

finance. i^g expenditure and revenue. France, however^ * 

was in a very different position to England. Her 
whole financial system was radically bad. Only half the nation 
—and that the poorest half—contributed to the direct taxes at 
all Moreover, the sum actually raised from the people at the 
end ot Louis XIY. was reaUy greater than the annual expendii 4/ 
ture, but half of it never came into the coffers of the State, '" 
owing to the ruinous system of collection. France was steadily 
on the decline, and she sinks lower and lower during the century. 
The Mississippi Scheme nearly destroyed her, whereas England ' 
came out of the South Sea Scheme with wings but slightly 
singed. H ranee, m fact, was a poor country. England, however, 
English !L^^ 1^ ^ ^^I'y different condition. The Peace Of 

prosperity. Utrecht laid the foundation of her commercial *^ 

rrr^w Tf P^^^^j'^V^ Hud from this time her trade steadily " 

WW ? T '*/r^ ^^ ^ P"^'" ^^ '^^^^^ unexampled duration, 
and by a policy of free trade. The productiveness of the labour 

pfl r^T ^^ was enormously augmented by the great mechani- 
cal inventions of Hargreaves, Crompton, Arkwright. Stevenson. 



y National Debt, 55 



and Watt. The result was a vast increase of the wealth of the • 
country, which enabled it to bear with ease a burden many times 
as heavy again as that which frightened financiers in the early 
days of the eighteenth century. It is true that a national debt 
is always a dead weight hanging round the neck of a nation, 
and that the heavy taxation necessary to pay the interest of the 
debt at once raises prices and reduces profits. But it is possible 
to recognize this, and yet at the same time comprehend that the 
danger which alarmed the contemporaries of Walpole was to a 
great extent imaginary in the circumstances of the country. The 
real prosperity may be illustrated by the fact that, though under 
William, Government borrowed money at seven or eight per cent., 
under Anne the rate was gradually reduced to five per cent., 
though much higher interest was paid on the old debt, consisting 
mainly of irredeemable annuities^for long terms. Private persons, 
however, could borrow money on good security at four per cent. 

The object of financiers at this time was to pay off as much as 
possible of the debt itself year by year, and 
lessen the rate of interest on the remainder. In ^aJ\^^ °^ 
this way a large annual saving would be effected. National Debt. 
The most promising plan for this appeared to be 
to consolidate all the various portions of the debt into one fund 
and give it into the hands of a Company, who should receive 
much lower interest from Government, and should be empowered 
to make some satisfactory arrangement with the general mass of 
the Government creditors or fundholders. The Company which 
brought forward this proposal was the South. Sea Company. 

It had been founded in 1711 by Harley, in order to provide 
for a floating debt of ten millions. A floating . 

debt being one which is payable on demand by ^q^x^x. Sea Co. 
the creditor, the Government would have been 
threatened by the continual prospect of some creditor asking for 
repayment at a time when they might find it inconvenient to 
meet this liability. An arrangement therefore was made with 
a Company. The interest was secured by permanently setting 
aside a portion of the customs for its payment ; the Company 
agreed not to demand the principal ; and as a bribe they were 
given the monopoly of the trade of the South Seas, from which 
great things were expected. These golden aspirations were not, 
however, realized. The Peace of Utrecht gave England only. 
the right of importing negro slaves into the Colonies (a right 
which was known as the Assiento), and of sending one ship of 



56 Ministry of Stanhope. 



under 500 tons burden annually to the South Seas. This scanty 
concession had, however, heen rudely interrupted by the war 
with Spain, and so not much had come of it. The Company,, 
however, had other more fertile resources, and, backed up by the 
Government credit, it was in a very flourishing condition/ 

Sir John Blunt, the leading director, proposed in 1719 to take , 

over the whole of the National Debt as part of the 
woposllg.^''*'^ capital of the Company on the foUowing terms. ' 

The Company would endeavour to arrange with 
the creditors that they should either receive the value of their 
shares in the funds in shares of the Company, entitling them to* 
a share in the dividends of the Company, which might be more 
or might be less than the interest given by Government, and 
would probably be a great deal more ; or else they would pay 
them in full, if they preferred it, at the rate of eight years and 
a quarter purchase. So far, then, the scheme was perfectly .;; 
honest, and offered considerable promise. So advantageous did . 
it seem to the Company that the Bank of England entered into 
competition with it, and offered better terms. The result was, 
that after a struggle between the two Companies, the South Sea 
Company consented to pay seven and a half millions to Govern- ™ 
ment as the price of the bargain, and so carried the day. The 
seven and a half millions were used to pay off the debt ; those 
creditors, who were willing, exchanged their shares in the funds '• 
for shares in the Company ; and thus the Company became sole ' 
Government creditor to the extent of sixteen millions, receiving "ll! 
only five per cent, till 1727, when they were to receive four! 
Most of the annuitants accepted the exchange, and so great was 
the credit of the Company that several large subscriptions of 
capital were filled up at once, thus supplying ready money for 
commercial speculations. The most exaggerated hopes were 
raised, owing to the extraordinary belief in the powers of credit; ' 
which almost approached an unreasoning superstition. Stories, 
too, were floated that the Government intended to exchange^^ 
Gibraltar and Minorca for some mines in Peru. England had 

Bubbles ^^^^ ^^^' ^^^ ^^^ ^^® ^^^® believed anything^ 

The result was that South Sea stock increased/ ? 
enormously in value, and in consequence went up steadily in 
price until at last it touched the astounding sum of lOOOZ. for 
the lOOZ. share. Walpole, who had invested some money in 
the Company, judiciously sold out at this high price, thereby .i' 
realizing a handsome fortune, but the majority of the infatuated ^ 



South Sea Bubble, 57 

speculators held on, hoping for enormous profits. It was gravely 
proposed that the yearly dividend should not be less than fifty 
per cent., and this incredible rate might in itself have warned 
the nation^ of the unstable ground they were walking on. A 
mania for speculation, however, had set in. All ranks, profes- 
sions, and parties flocked to Change Alley, where stock-broking 
was carried on. The crowds were so great, that tables were set 
in the streets with clerks at them. Bubble companies of every 
kind sprang up to delude the unwary. The strangest possible 
schemes were gravely started ; among others, — for importing a 
number of large jackasses from ^Spain, — for transmuting of 
quicksilver into a fine malleable metal, — for a wheel for a 
perpetual motion^ — and many more, which all found eager 
support. One enterprising individual even advertised that he 
would receive a subscription of two guineas "/or an enterpi^ise 
which shall in due time be revealed^^ promising to give in 
exchange a share of one hundred in the project. One thousand 
of these subscriptions were actually paid in, but the projector 
was never seen again afterwards, and so the project was never 
revealed. 

So far, however, the South Sea Company had violated no law 
of political economy ; and though members of the Government 
and many others had received bribes of fictitious capital as an 
inducement to favour the Company, yet these transactions, 
disgraceful as they were, had nothing to do with the bursting of 
the bubble. The Company, however, had made the mistake of 
supposing that credit is capital. Credit is not 
capital. It lacks one essential property of capital, xnistake 
namely, intrinsic value, and therefore it is only a 
means of obtaining capital,— in fact, the power of borrowing. 
Matters therefore were all very well as long as the Company's 
credit remained good. But if by any chance it were shaken, if 
a panic were to set in and the creditors begin to demand pay- 
ment en masse, how was the Company to pay off those sixteen 
millions of credit which it had taken on from Government, and 
which really did not exist at all in hard cash 1 This danger the 
Company did not see. Inspired by greed, they prosecuted the 
promoters of some other speculations, and thereby credit was 
generally shaken. Men began to realize their money hastily. 
At last a panic set in ; the price of all shares fell . 

enormously ; by September the South Sea stock ^ 
had fallen from 1000?. to 135?. for the 100?. share. This was 



58 Ministry of Stanhope. 



bigli enough in itself, and it shows the real solidity of the 
Company, but it meant ruin to those who had bought in at 1000?. 
Then a storm arose against the Company. The misery and ruin 
was so wide-spread, and the exasperation of the country was so 
great, that, though the whole transaction between the Company 
and its creditors had been perfectly honest and legal, yet the 
Government was forced to yield to popular pressure. 

A parliamentary inquiry was therefore instituted. Then it 
became evident that many members of the Government had 
received bribes from the Company, that fictitious shares had 
been given to the king's mistresses, that the hands of the 
directors were not perfectly clean. And so the tide of popular 

fury rose higher and higher at each fresh dis- 
engeance. covery, till it swept away alike the Company and 
the Ministry. Earl Stanhope himself died of a violent rush of 
blood to the head, consequent on a violent debate in which he 
was attacked with great acrimony by the Duke of "Wharton. 
James Craggs the younger, fortunately for himself, died sud- 
denly of small- pox. His father committed suicide, rather than 
face the result of his shame. Mr. Aislabie, the Chancellor of 
the Exchequer, was found guilty and expelled from the Com- 
mons. Charles Stanhope escaped censure by a majority of 
three only. Sunderland, though he was acquitted by a large 
majority, found himself so unpopular in consequence of his 
supposed delinquency, that he was obliged to resign all his 
offices. 

The ground had now been almost miraculously cleared for 
Walpole, who, indeed, it was generally felt, was the only living 
financier capable of dealing with such a crisis. He proceeded 
to confiscate the property of the directors ; the Government 
bribe was refunded ; all just debts were paid ; the sufferers 
were compensated as far as possible ; and the remaining capi- 
tal, amounting to about thirty- three and a half per cent., was 
divided among the proprietors. There was not the slightest 
doubt that the directors had committed no crime known to the 
law, and that, in the words of Gibbon, it was merely an act of 
popular vengeance, and totally contrary to justice. But national 
indignation against the *' Cannibals of Change Alley," "the 
betrayers of their country," was so strongly exasperated, 3 
that Walpole was practically obliged to bring in the retro-" 
spective Act of Parliament to satisfy the popular desire for 



i 



revenge. 



m 




Walpole. 



59 



The deaths of Stanhope and the two Craggs, and the expul- 
sion of Aislahie, followed shortly after by the death of Sunder- 
land, left Walpole without a rival in the field. 
The electors of 1722 confirmed the ministerial ^ ^° ®* 
majority, and Walpole's long reign of twenty years set in, 



60 Walpole and George I. 



§8oofe 11— WALPOLE, 1721-42. 



CHAPTEK L 

WALPOLE AND GEORGE L, 1721-27. 

Section 1. — Home Affairs. - ' 

Robert Walpole was born in 1696. His father was a Norfolk 
squire, who sent him to Eton and educated him for the Church; - 
His elder brother, however, died early in life and left Ixim the 
heir to the family estate, which fell to him on the death of his 
father, 1700. He then selected a parliamentary career, and took ^ 
Sir Robert ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ family borough of Castle Rising J' 

Walpole. ^^ *^^ Whig interest. At first his oratory was ' 

anything but successful, and it was only by 
careful application that he was able to conquer the unfavour- 
able impression created by his first failure. Once started, how- 
ever, his fame as a debater gradually increased, and at the same ' 
time he rose steadily through the minor governmental offices. 
The accession of the Tory Ministry of Harley brought evil days 
on all the supporters of the late Government, and Walpole had 
to endure a condemnation for corruption, followed by expulsion 
from the House. Probably the charge was false. Anyhow, the 
temper of the House was such at that time that they would have 
believed an angel guiltj of corruption if he had happened to be 
a Whig. The accession of George I. restored Walpole to office ; 
and from that date, in office or in opposition, his fortunes are 
intimately connected with the history of his country until the day - 
when the reins of power were wrenched from his tenacious grasp. 
The popular excitement which followed the bursting of the 
South Sea Bubble revived the hopes of the Jacobites. They 
were additionally stimulated by the birth of the Young Pre- 



4 .i J .i -.i .i J -. 



Return of Bolingbroke, 61 

tender, Charles Edward, or the Chevalier de St. George, as he 
was later styled. This inauspicious event took place on the last 
day of the year 1720. Atterbury, Bishop of 
Rochester, an able and ambitious prelate, hoped uut ^^^ ^ 
to take advantage of the general ferment to effect 
the Stuart Eestoration, which all good Englishmen were sup- 
posed to be pining for. The usual- fatality, however, befell this 
unlucky schemer which dogged the footsteps of all the abler 
partisans of the House of Stuart. He could not get the principal 
Jacobites to agree on any definite plan. He could not persuade 
them to select any of their number as chief. Dubois not only 
refused to assist them, but gave information to the British Am- 
bassador, who very soon communicated the intelligence to his own 
Government. Then, while chaos was raging in the Jacobite 
camp, the strong arm of the law came down on the leaders of 
the conspiracy ; the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended and the 
troops called out. The attaint and banishment . . 
of Atterbury, which followed, gave a. mortal Atterbury. 
wound to Jacobitism, the effects of which lasted 
for more than twenty years ; while the successful policy of 
Walpole at home and abroad, and his steady alliance with 
France, rendered any similar attempt utterly hopeless. Nothing 
more clearly showed the strength of the Government and the 
real hold which the Hanoverian settlement had obtained on the 
nation, than the fact that Walpole was able in a period of great 
popular ferment to deprive and banish the most brilliant and 
most popular Churchman of the day. 

The year 1723 was marked by the return of Bolingbroke, 
who, disgusted with the ingratitude and the 
imbecility of the Pretender, had intrigued with BoHng^roke 
the Court and Ministry to obtain a complete 1723. ' 

restoration. This Walpole was unwilling to 
consent to. A pardon was indeed allowed to pass the Great 
Seal, but the Act of Attainder was studiously not reversed, in 
order to exclude the ex- Jacobite from the House of Lords. His 
offers of service were contemptuously rejected, and Walpole 
showed most clearly that he had no intention of effecting any 
reconciliation with the Tories. This, no doubt, was in a great 
degree owing to the extraordinary thirst for uncontrolled power 
which was Walpole's besetting sin, and which was eventually to 
cause his ruin by driving every man of ability in the country 
into the bitterest opposition. 

The rejection of Bolingbroke's overtures was shortly fol- 



62 Walpolk and George L 

lowed by the dismissal of Lord Carteret, one of the Secretaries 

of State — Lord Townshend, the former Prime 
Dismissal of Minister, being the other. Carteret was a man of 
1724^^^ ' *^® ^^^^ brilliant parts, and high in favour with 

the king. This predilection was the result of 
the Minister's profound acquaintance with continental pohtics, 
and his well-trained knowledge of the German language, which 
few of George's new subjects had taken the trouble to acquire, 
in spite of the fact that the king could converse in no other 
tongue. This favour excited the jealousy of Walpole, who 
could not endure the idea of a rival. He therefore took the 
earliest opportunity of practically dismissing Carteret from 
political life by requiring the king to confer on his favourite 
the Lord- Lieutenancy of Ireland, a demand which George very 
unwillingly complied with, 1724. 

Ireland was at that time a prey to unreasonable and out- 
rageous excitement. That unhappy country, ever prone to be 
led into violence by the artful denunciations of ambitious and 
designing men, had been lashed into a state of extraordinary 

madness by Swift's Philippics against Wood's 
hllf^ence lialfpence. In 1722 Walpole had given Mr. 

1722-24. ' William Wood, a retired ironmaster, a patent 

for manufacturing copper halfpence and farthings^ - 
for Ireland to the value of 108,000Z. The coinage in Ireland 
was in such a bad state that some influx of copper money was 
absolutely necessary, and this plan, after a careful inquiry by 
Sir Isaac Newton, the Master of the Mint, ai^d by Walpole 
himself, ^'as decided to be the best and fairest that had been 
proposed. The sole arguments that could be urged against it 
were that a heavy bribe had been paid to the Duchess of 
Kendal to obtain her countenance, that Wood himself would 
make a slight percentage on the transaction, and that he had 
very unwisely talked big about thrusting his halfpence down 
the throats of the Irish if they objected in the slightest. Un- 
fortunately, however, the question was not to be judged on its 
own merits, as indeed few acts of the " ^axon " are in Ireland. 
Swift, smarting under enforced and distasteful inaction conse- 
quent on the accession of the Whigs to power, bent all the won- 
derful genius he possessed to falsify the facts of the case, and 
to hound the Irish people on against the English Government. 
In rapid succession he issued, one after another, the celebrated 
Drapier's Letters, in which a frightful picture of impending 



Schemes of Bolingbroke, 63 



misery was drawn in the most glaring colours. Common- 
place facts were moulded into the most startling 
fictions. The prosaic ironmaster was transformed ?^f?^®^'^ 
into a monster battening on the blood of a nation, 
while ever overhead gloomed the huge dark portentous shadow 
of Walpole gloating over the suJBferings of his victims. But 
with such consummate ability was it done, and with such a 
thormigh knowledge of his countrymen, tha^. he soon had the 
whole mob of ** savage old Irish," as he scornfully called them, 
howling at his heels for vengeance on Wood. This ferment 
Carteret found it impossible to quell. Further perseverance 
seemed likely to end in rebellion. Walpole therefore decided 
to withdraw the patent. 

In the next year disturbances broke out in Scotland. The 
Scots had the strongest disinclination to pay their share of the 
burdens of the kingdom, and had resorted to every kind of shift 
to evade the payment of the Malt Tax. This 
tax was now commuted for a duty of threepence ^^^\^^^ 
on every barrel of ale, A great commotion ' 

ensued in Edinburgh, and the brewers refused to brew. It was 
so obvious, however, that the chief persons who would suffer by 
this irrational proceeding would be themselves, that very shortly 
interest carried the day, and the brew-houses were soon hard 
at work again. The chief result of the ebullition was the 
abolition of the office of Secretary of State for Scotland, and 
Walpole now took the management of the affairs of that 
country into his own hands in order to hold it under closer 
control. 

In 1725 Eolingbroke was restored in property and person, 
though not in peerage. Thus excluded from 
parliamentary life, he became the extra-parliamen- BolSc^roke 
tary wire-puller of the Opposition. He found an 
unexpected and most powerful ally in Pulteney. Pulteney had 
long smarted under a sense of ill-requited merit in the subordinate 
post of Cofferer. At last he ventured on open rebellion in a 
debate on the Civil List. Walpole at once dismissed him into 
the cold of opposition and the arms of Bolingbroke. Between 
them they planned a remarkable paper, called 
the ** Craftsman,'' which was devoted solely to 
attacking the Government policy root and branch, 
and everybody at all connected with it. They soon gathered 
round them a strong body of able writers and skilled statesmen. 



The "Crafts- 



man.*' 



64 Walpole and George I, 



including Windham, Shippen, and Carteret. A few heavy 
payments secured them the support of the Duchess of Kendal, 
who was always open to a hribe, and who indeed with consider- 
able impartiality received pensions from both Ministry and 
Opposition. The result of this last accession to his following 
was that Bolingbroke concocted an elaborate plan for the over- 
throw of the Government. A paper containing a list of accusa- 
tions against Walpole was to be given to George, and the 
Duchess was to request an interview for Bolingbroke that he 
might make further revelations. Unfortunately, however, for the . 
hopes of the conspirators, George consulted Walpole himself, of 
all people in the world, as to what he should do. Walpole advised "^ 
him to see Bolingbroke and hear what he had to say. The 
king was so delighted with the courageous advice that he 

received Bolingbroke, listened to his denuncia- 
Failureof tions, inquired coldly "if that was all," and 

mg r . iiearing that it was, turned on his heel and left 
the baffled schemer without another word* Once again had '^ 
Bolingbroke heaved the Sisyphus' stone up ■ the steep sides of 
the hill till he almost reached the top and gazed upon the sun, 
and once again it had slipped from his grasp and bounded down, 
crashing into the depths below, leaving nothing but a weary 
sense of wasted labour behind. The indefatigable Duchess, ^f 
however, bravely supported her new friends, and kept Walpole i 
in a continual state of uneasiness as to the effect of her schemes.- ;1 
He therefore found himself beset with dangers at a time when 
foreign policy, owing to fresh and extraordinary revolutions of 
the political wheel, was demanding his utmost attention. Nor 
was it till George died at Osnabruck in 1727, that the malign*^' 
influence of the Duchess was completely removed from his 
path. 

The period which has been sketched in the last pages was so 
Jacobitism. extremely uneventful at home that the nation was 

at last given an opportunity of settling steadily 
down under the new dynasty and once more cultivating the arts ' 
of peace. Jacobitism in consequence dwindled and drooped. 
A great seed-plot of sedition had been removed by the practical ,1, 
suspension of the powers of the Lower House of Convocation 
in 1717, which had always been the centre of Jacobite intrigues. 
Convocation ^^^.^ ^^^ ^^ consequence of the controversy into 
prorogued, which it had entered with Hoadley, Bishop , . 

1717. of Bangor. Government wisely prorogued the ■* 



Foreign Policy. B5 



angry ecclesiastics, and from that time down to 1850, though 
Convocation was regularly summoned, it was as regularly pro- 
rogued at once. Its chief focus being thus removed and its 
principal leaders alienated, Jacobitism lived chiefly on sentiment; 
nor was it till the outbreak of the great war on the deposition 
of Walpole that any opportunity was given to the exiled 
family to reassert their claims. 

Section 2. — Foreign Folicy^ 1721-35. 

Ever since the fall of Alberoni a Congress had been sitting 
at Cambrai with the ostensible object of arranging undecided 
matters between the Powers. " Most inane Congress ever 
known," says Carlyle disrespectfully of this august assembly ; 
but in truth it effected nothing, and at last died o^^crtQ^s of 
of sheer inanition. The fall of Alberoni had can^rai. 
been followed by a complete change in Spanish 
policy. The queen saw that by maintaining the closest friend- 
ship with England and France she would more easily attain 
her designs on the successions to Parma and Tuscany. A com- 
mercial treaty was therefore entered into with England, by 
which Spain guaranteed once more the right of the Assiento, 
and the right of sending one ship annually to the South Seas 
to trade with the Spanish colonies. A treaty was also concluded 
with France, by which it was arranged that Louis XY. should 
marry the infanta, who was then only four years old. The 
child was in consequence sent to France to be educated 
according to the manners and customs of her intended subjects.. 

Meanwhile the emperor had been playing fast and loose with 
the Allied Powers. He had persuaded the Pope to set up a 
ridiculous claim to Parma and Tuscany as fiefs of Holy Church. 
He had established a trading Company at Ostend ^^^ j,^_ 
with the object of breaking the monopoly of the peror's tricks. 
India trade, which England and Holland stiU 
maintained. This Company was therefore very offensive to the 
Jilaritime Powers, and was moreover in direct contravention of 
the stipulations of the Peace of Utrecht. The natural result 
was insults on both sides. The English and Dutch seized some 
of the Ostend Company's ships. The emperor retaliated as far 
as he could by authorizing reprisals, which, however, were not 
very productive. Relations between the two courts weye 

r 



66 Walpole and George I. 



therefore considerably strained, and the result was to draw closer 
the alliance between England, France, and Spain. 

Unfortunately during the tedious delays, which the Congress^ 
dignified with the name of deliberatio'ns, Elizabeth Earnese 
fell under the influence of a Dutch adventurer named Baron 

Ripperda. He had all the ambition, with none 
Kipperda. ^^ ^^^ ability, of Alberoni, and his chief claim to 

the confidence of the queen was his hostility to England.' 
Under Eipperda's influence she gradually became inspired with 
the belief that she would obtain more by private negotiations 
with the emperor than by being made the catspaw of the Mari- 
time Powers. Eipperda pointed out to her that Spain and 
Austria had hitherto only succeeded after years of war in 
weakening one another and aggrandizing Erance and Englandii;- 
Would it not be more expedient that they should reconcile^ 
their ancient hostility, concede mutual privileges to each other, ; 
and thus in the strength of that alliance arrange Europe as they 
wished in defiance of the Allied Powers ? Spain should receive. :■ 
a promise of the Italian duchies for Don Carlos. Spain in 
return should recognize the Ostend Company, and — which the 
emperor still more ardently desired — should guarantee the 
Pragmatic Sanction, that is the deed by which he had en- 
tailed the succession to his extensive dominions on his daughter 
Marie Therese. 

Circumstances certainly conspired in Kipperda's favour. In 
1723 Philippe of Orleans died, and was succeeded by the Duke 
of Bourbon, a dissolute worthless descendant of the Greats 
Conde who is described in most Erench histories as Monsieur 

le Due. Bourbon, who had no claims to the 
sent back** Erench throne, was only anxious that, if possible,/ ' 

the succession might be perpetuated in the family 
of Louis Xy., not in that of Philippe of Spain. He therefore '. 
sent back with a very lame apology the child-wife which Spain 
had offered to Louis, and selected instead Marie Leczinska, the ^ 
daughter of poor old Stanislaus Leczinski, Charles XII.'s unlucky 
Polish King. The chief qualifications which this lady possessed 
besides personal merit were that she was of marriageable age, 
and was not likely after years of hardship to be very overbearing 
as queen, or to interfere with the ascendency of Monsieur le 
Due, ' . ■ -g 

Philippe went simply wild with rage, and Elizabeth Earnese 
was furious at the insult. "All the Bourbons are a race of devils 1" 



'^ 



Treaty of Vienna. 67 



she stormed out with more truth than elegance ; — " except you, 
of ciourse, sire," she added, suddenly remembering her spouse's 
origin. The result was that, ** whipt of the Furies, " she threw 
herself into the arms of Austria, and Eipperda's triumph was 
complete. Spain and Austria now vied eagerly 
with each other in concessions. Spain agreed to ^reaty o^ 
guarantee the Ostend Company and the Prag- ^"^^*» ^^^^• 
matic Sanction, and to renounce all claims on Naples, Sicily, 
the Milanese, and the Netherlands. Austria to guarantee the 
Italian duchies to Don Carlos. Nor was this all. It was 
further arranged by a secret treaty that Don Carlos should 
marry Marie Therese and be secured the Imperial crown on 
the death of the emperor ; that Austria and Spain should unite 
to reconquer Gibraltar and Minorca ; that, if possible, the resto- 
ration of the Stuart dynasty should be effected. The secret 
treaty, however, was suspected at once by every one, owing to 
the magnitude of the concessions granted by Spain, without 
obtaining apparently anything like equivalent terms. It soon 
leaked out and jiistified the foresight of those who had looked 
behind the veil. 

This Treaty of Vienna was frightfully injudicious, and raised 
up a whole host of enemies who might have looked on com- 
placently if the terms had been more moderate. As it was, the 
only state which showed the slightest favour towards the ill- 
matched couple was Eussia, an ambitious, half -civilized power, 
which was guided solely by the caprice of a female despot ; and 
the chief result of this acquisition was to throw Sweden and 
Denmark into opposition. The rest of Europe viewed this 
threatening treaty with considerable alarm. The German 
princes as a whole dreaded the idea of an em- 
peror who should once more be supported by the Treaty of 
united forces of Austria and Spain. Their new- 1725°^^^* 
born liberties would soon have paled before such 
a master, and the old days of Charles Y. have returned again. 
Prussia, moreover, besides the general German grievance, had a 
special Prussian grievance. Frederic William saw pretty con- 
clusively that the emperor did not intend to confer on him the 
succession to the duchies of Julich and Berg, to which he had 
well-founded claims, if they fell vacant, which at the time 
seemed imminent. He thought he might get them guaranteed 
elsewhere. The result of these general and special causes of 
discontent was that Townshend, Walpole's Foreign Secretary, 

f2 



68 Walpole and George I. 

was able to build up a huge rival League of Hanover, which 
included not only England, France, and Holland, but Prussia 
as well, Sweden, Denmark, and most of the petty German 
princes. For the moment all Europe stood ranked in opposing 
armies, and the eagles swooped low in horrid expectation. 

But the breath of war passed away as quickly as it had 
come. The emperor contrived to detach Frederic William of 
Prussia from the League by a half-promise of Julich and Berg, 
which could easily be repudiated later on, when the time came 
for fulfilment. This defection weakened the hands of the allies, 
and rendered them all ready to negotiate. Eipperda's triumph 
had been quickly followed by his fall. On his return to Spain 
he disgusted every one by his arrogance and boasting. The 
Austrian Ambassador found that the resources and intentions of 
Spain had been greatly overrated. The Spanish Queen was 

irritated at the failure of the Treaty of Vienna, 
p^rda* 172^". ^^^ ^^ Ripperda was suddenly disgraced in 

1726. To avoid his fate he iled to the English 
embassy, where he blabbed out all the stipulations of the secret 
Treaty of Vienna, thus confirming Walpole's suspicions and 
justifying the conclusion of the League of Hanover, which had 
been the object of the Opposition's bitterest attacks. The fall 
of Ripperda disposed Austria to peace. The emperor saw that 
he had overshot the mark, and that he was more likely to win 
a general guarantee for his Pragmatic Sanction by timely and 
graceful concession. Spain, however, held aloof for some time. 
The siege of Gibraltar was pushed on with as much vigour as the 
Spanish military system was capable of. And for a very short 
time the Spanish Ajax posed before Europe, ineffectually defying 
the Britannic lightning. Gibraltar, however, was found to be 
absolutely inexpugnable. British squadrons shot out threaten, 
mgly m all directions. The Czarina died 1726, and a total 
reversal of Russian policy followed. Bourbon, it is true, was 
disgraced, but his successor, Fleury, drew still closer the aUiance 
with England. The great arch-enemy of Spain, Walpole him- 
self, after for a moment tottering unsteadily on the edc^e of a 
precipice on the death of George L, 1727, started on\ fresh 
career of power with as much steadfastness of purpose as ho had 

Act of the STt ^'^'''- ?'•'. Y i'P^' ^'^^ *^^^ 

Pardo, 1728. baffled, the queen, afraid that Philippe might die 

before things were settled, at last sullenly agreed 

to the meeting of a Congress by the Act of the Pardo 1728 



•iy.* 



Treaty of Seville. 69 



-m^ 



This Congress of Soissons, however, showed itself no abler 
for work than the Congress of Cambrai had done. The actual 
product of the wearisome haggling and quarrelling which went 
on there may be expressed by zero. The truth was, that the 
emperor, relying on his new Prussian alliance, from which he 
expected great things, showed from the very first that he had 
no real desire to effect a settlement of outstanding questions. 
This disagreeable fact at last forced itself so distinctly on the 
consciousness of the impetuous Spanish queen that she deter- 
mined to trust her enemies rather than her 
treacherous friend, and concluded the Treaty of gevme 1729 
Seville with England and France. By this treaty ' 

it was arranged that the commercial privileges granted to the 
emperor should be rescinded and transferred to England ) that 
Parma and Tuscany should be guaranteed to Don Carlos, and 
that Leghorn, Placentia, and Porto Eerrajo, should be garrisoned 
by Spanish troops ; while the question of Gibraltar, which at 
first seemed likely to prave an obstacle to peace, was passed 
over in total silence equivalent to a total renunciation. 

The emperor therefore again found that he had overreached 
himself by his double-dealing, and merely irritated all parties. 
At first, hoTfever, he assumed a bold demeanour. He broke off 
aU negotiations with Spain ; turned a deaf ear to the threats of 
the Maritime Powers ; poured an army into Italy, and on the 
death of the old Duke of Parma seized on the disputed terri- 
tories. Every one, however, knew that he could be brought 
round at once by an united guarantee of the Pragmatic Sanction. 
The influence, too, of the old hero of the Spanish Succession 
War, Prince Eugene, was steadily on the side of peace. Wal- 
pole had now regained complete ascendency in foreign affairs, 
owing to the withdrawal of Townshend from office, and was 
determined that Europe should not be plunged into war about 
such a paltry squabble. Negotiations were therefore once more 
opened with the emperor, who proved as tractable as h^d been 
expected. And so at last, in March, 1731, the 
Second Treaty of Vienna put an end to this Second Treaty 
strange political transformation scene. The y^^^ ' 
Powers offered an united guarantee of the 
Pragmatic Sanction. The emperor agreed to abolish the Ostend 
Company. Spain confirmed to England the Assiento and the 
right of the annual ship to the South Seas. Lastly, Spanish 
troops took possession of Parma, Placentia, Leghorn, and Porto 



70 Walpole and George 7. 



Ferrajo, to secure the succession of the Italian duchies to Doi 

Carlos. 

The policy of Walpole, therefore, though not always dignified 
and consistent, was so far successful that it kept England out 
of foreign war and enabled her to work out undisturbed the 
political development which was slowly being accomplished 
during this period. It was with this view that Walpole steadily 

refused to assist the emperor during the Polish 
fe'ss'on mr Succession War, which broke out in 1733, alleging 
1733-35. ' that England was not at all interested in Pohsh 

elections, and was not bound to assist the emperor 
simply because he had got himself into trouble by interfering 
with them. There were in fact, however, two divisions of the 
war. The French o]ie, in which Eleury took advantage of 
Austria's interference in Poland on behalf of the Eussian 
candidate for the throne, Augustus of Saxony, to wrest from 
her the rich province of Lorraine, which France had so long 

coveted ; and to compel her to confer on Don 
^?V'* J^^**^ Carlos the kingdom of Naples and Sicily in ex- 
1735^ ' change for Parma and Placentia. The Pohsh 

one, in which the question was whether a 
Eussian or French candidate should be King of Poland, which 
was almost immediately decided in favour of the former. With 
the Polish question England certainly had very little to do, for 
the ferocious ambition of Eussia was not as yet understood, or 
indeed dangerous to Europe; but the. aggrandizement of France 
was a point of considerable import to England, and stimulated 
the already keen desire existing in the hearts of most French- 
men to avenge the disasters of the Spanish Succession War. 






.■fii 



Men of the Time. 71 



-Nf'i,- 



CHAPTER II. 

MEN OF THE TIME, 1721-42, 

Section 1. — Walpole. 

Walpole's long career of office, extending over twenty years, 
cannot be divided by any arbitrary point of time, tb- i i . 
such as the death of George I. It was really one 
continuous period, marked solely by three definite events, by 
which for a moment his power seemed shaken to its foundation. 
These were the death of George I. in 1727, the Excise Scheme 
of 1733, and the death of Queen Caroline in 1737. On each 
of these occasions his enemies thought that the result, which 
they had so long toiled and struggled for, had at last arrived, 
and that they would mount to office over the prostrate body 
of the Minister. Far from this being the case, however, he con- 
trived to gather new elements of strength after each of. these 
events, as though the momentary contact with Mother Earth 
had reinspired him with magical vigour ; and rose again to 
pursue once more the same course of policy with greater deter- 
mination than ever. His home policy was tame and uneventful, 
marked by very few incidents of importance. In cjonsequence 
the Annalists of the period are driven to dilate at great length 
on the various shades of offence which caused the 
dismissal of one after the other of his supporters ; character of 
and to draw out in wearisome detail the monoto- ' 

nous story of victories won again and again over the furious 
onslaughts of the Opposition by the solid phalanx of voting- 
power which ranked itself steadily night after night along the 
Government benches in the House of Commons. There is little 
to excite enthusiasm or interest in the period. Even the 
dim halo of romance, which had long lingered round the 
luckless descendant of the Stuart kings, now died away in an 
interminable fog of petty disputes and undignified recrimiua- 



72 Men of the Time. 



tions. And yet there is mucli that should attract the careful 
study of all who would trace out the development of England 
during the 18th century. It was really a period of vast political 
transformation, during which the greatest care was necessary in 
the master-hand which superintended the slow uneasy working 
of the cumbrous machinery, which was to change the discon- 
tented Jacobite England of William III. and Anne into the 
enthusiastic nation which carried Pitt in triumph to the highest 
seat of power to execute the national policy. 

Walpole's policy was eminently suited to his time. That, 
perhaps, is high praise, and it certainly is the highest that can 
be conceded to him. His faults, however, were glaring and 

repulsive. He was not an orator in the true 
IS au s. sense of the word, though some of his speeches 

were masterpieces of successful defence. He instituted no great 
measures of reform, — nay, he rather checked and stifled at birth, 
the faintest efforts in that direction. He studiously avoided the, 
romantic glory which hovers round the brows of a successful 
war-minister. He designedly insisted on a course of policy 
which can have no attraction to those who care for nothing but 
blood and gunpowder, who love to thrill with triumph over 
records of English victories, and with indignation at national 
disasters. And yet Walpole was a great statesman in the highest 
sense of the word. He knew that his policy was the best 
adapted for the circumstances in which he found his country, 
and he carried it out unflinchingly, in the face of the greatest 
difficulties and the bitterest obloquy. 

At his accession to office England was suffering all the 
State of ^^"^^ which are the result of a disputed succes- 

England. ^^^^ ^^.^ ^"^ unpopular sovereign. Large classes 

were alienated from the dominant party. Deeply- 
rooted cormption and political immorality had long poisoned 
the atmosphere of political life, and fostered a monstrous 
growth of treachery and treason. The people were ignorant of 
the true advantages of the new constitution, were attracted by 
the supposed wrongs of the exiled family, or driven into oppo- 
sition by the feeling of hostility which seems to naturally arise 
in most cases against constituted authorities simply because they 
are constituted authorities. The Jacobites were threatening 
the new settlement with war and secret treason. Many of the 
statesmen who headed the Opposition in the Houses of Parlia- 
ment, and inveighed in constitutional language against the 



Walpol£^s Difficulties, 73 

Hanoverian policy of the king and his Minister, were secret 
traitors, who, if they could have heard for certain that the Blue 
Bonnets were over the Border, would have proclaimed James III. 
at Charing Cross. And it is due solely to Walpole that they 
never got the opportunity. 

He saw that England required peace in order to accommodate 
herself to the great political development which was gradually 
coming over her ; to enable the classes alienated 
from the Government to settle down once more ^^^^l^^^ °' 
into their accustomed places and old habits of 
loyalty to the powers that be ; and to destroy the opportunity 
which foreign war was sure to give to the followers of the exiled 
family. Keform of any kind must have attacked the interests 
of some class or other, and the chief result therefore would have 
been to increase the hostility to the Government, without pro- 
ducing much immediate good to the people at large. Active 
legislation would have involved continual contests, and have 
supplied the Opposition with tangible grounds for the furious 
invective with which they endeavoured to arouse the enmity of 
the country against the invincible Minister. It was better, 
therefore, to leave reforms to quieter times, and devote himself 
mainly to the task of preserving peace, and of watching and 
guiding the nation along the path which lay open before it. It 
is, indeed, a maxim which statesmen would often do well to 
study, " Happy is the nation whose annals are a blank." 

The difi&culties which beset his path were enormous. George I. 
did not know a word of English, nor Walpole a ,,x;. , , , 
word of German. Business, therefore, had to be difficulties • 
discussed between them, so far as it was discussed, 
in Dog-Latin. The Duchess of Kendal, the king's favourite 
mistress, after a period of uncertain friendship, went over to the 
side of the Opposition ; and, though she still condescended to 
receive the pension offered her by the Government, she exerted 
aU her influence persistently against Walpole ; nor was it till 
George had died at Osnabruck that he felt safe from her influ- 
ence. But for the moment this was even a change for the 
worse. George II., as Prince of Wales, had been Walpole's 
bitter enemy. He had frequently described both Walpole and 
^Newcastle as rogues and rascals. He had talked extremely big 
for such a little man as to what he would do when he came 
to the throne. What hope was there for Walpole under the 
new regime ? The king ordered him to go to Sir Spencer 



74 Men of the Time. 



Compton, a practical dismissal. The courtiers rat-like turned 
their backs on him. Only Lord Hervey remained faithful \ only 
the queen recognized Lady Walpole now as " a friend." But in 
a few days Walpole was as supreme as ever. Compton with 
extraordinary imbecility allowed his rival to draw up the king's 
speech for him. The obliging Walpole carried his kindness so 
far as not only to write out the speech, but let the queen know 
he had done so. Caroline's good common-sense enabled her to 
recognize the superiority of the one man to the other, and, as 
usual, she talked her little strutting husband over to her view 
of the case. When, therefore, Walpole outbid Compton with 
regard to the Civil List for the royal pair, there was nothing 
left but to give the latter a peerage. These royal and princely 
difficulties were bad enough ; but in addition, chiefly through his 
own fault, Walpole had to contend with an Opposition which 
consisted of all the ablest men of the time, who were insj)ired 
solely by personal hatred of himself, who all cried out against 
his peace policy and his Hanoverian policy, and used every 
kind of influence with both kings to procure his dismissal, 
though it is true that these attempts were mainly productive of 
bad language on the part of these respectable monarchs. At 
their head was Bolingbroke, the ablest and most unscrupulous 
statesman of his day. 

The policy which Walpole steadily pursued may be summed 
. up in the words " Quieta non mover e,^^ He was 

' determined not to arouse or even disturb sleeping 
lions, and he was always ready to make concessions on any point 
on which he and the country differed. His object was to con- 
ciliate all classes, and especially those who were at variance with ' 
the Government. He never ran counter to any popular prejudice. 
He gave up Wood's halfpence and the Excise Scheme as soon 
as he saw the country was resolute against them. He enlarged 
the National Debt rather than tax the people. He refused to 
tax America. He refused to repeal the Penal Laws against the 
Dissenters, though he granted them practical immunity by 
passing annual Acts of Indemnity for those who had taken 
municipal office without complying with the requisitions of the 
Test and Corporation Acts ; while he administered the daws 
mildly, and diminished the differences and consequent rancour 
between the Church and the Dissenters by Latitudinarian (or 
Low Church) appointments. When he saw that he would incur 
odium by rejecting Bills intended to disqualify holders of pen^ 




t t f i t 



Walpole^s Policy. 75 

sions from sitting in Parliament, he allowed them to pass in the 
Commons, leaving to the Lords the burden of the refusal. 
Abroad he preserved the alliance with France, and maintained 
English commercial and maritime interests. At the same time 
he displayed little interest in points which did not seem to affect 
England directly. He allowed Spain to acquire !N'aples, France 
to get Lorraine. He steadily refused to interfere with regard to 
■ the Polish Succession, though he had rushed to the verge of war 
when Gibraltar was threatened. 

The result of this policy was that the Hanoverian dynasty 
secured a firm hold on the feelings, and even- . 
tually the affections of the people. British credit, ' 

which had sunk so low, was completely restored. The tonnage 
of British shipping was almost doubled. The value of land 
went up considerably. The price of wheat fell. The taxes were 
appreciably lowered. The interest on the National Debt was 
successfully diminished. Partial free-trade was even introduced. 
England, in fact, grew in wealth and prosperity. Peace enabled 
her to recover from the exhaustion consequent on the long 
war with France. And it is mainly due to the policy of 
Walpole that she was able to make such stupendous efforts in 
the gigantic struggle which was yet to come. The great glory 
of his period was that he effected the union of the nation 
under the House of Hanover, and the reconciliation of all 
classes, even the Church and the country gentlemen, to the new 
settlement. 

This moderation he reserved for classes. To his dependants 
he was absolutely tyrannical. The slightest insubordination 
was severely punished. He seems to have been inspired with a 
haunting fear of a rival, and a dread of all genius ^^.^ absolu- 
as dangerous to his ascendency. One by one the ^^q^ . 
greatest men in his Ministry were driven from his 
side. Carteret, Pulteney, Lyttleton, Chesterfield, all men whom 
most Ministers would have preferred as friends than as enemies, 
were forced into opposition by a reckless use of power. Even 
Townshend found it impossible to remain with his arbitrary 
brother-in-law. ]N"ewcastle, indeed, he retained ; but then ]S'ew- 
castle was an extremely mediocre person possessed of a dukedom 
and vast Parliamentary influence, who could be very useful, but 
was not likely to be dangerous to Walpole's ascendency. But 
still Newcastle was snubbed and insulted at intervals to keep 
him in his proper place of subordination, luitil at last even 



76 Men of the Time, 



Newcastle turned sulky and plotted against his tyrant. " Sir 
Eobert," said the shrewd old Duchess of Marlborough, " likes 
none but fools and such as have lost all credit." Harrington 
and Hervey remained as well : the one a diplomatist of mode- 
rate talent ; the other a courtier who was also an honest man. 
Eut neither were likely to aim at the supremacy. 

Eelying, therefore, on the votes of his party, and not on the 
brilliance of his supporters, or the solidity of his measures, he 
was obliged to make use of that corruption for which his name 

has become a by- word. The morality of that 
corruption ; ^- ^^^ ^^^ different W. our own. Men did not see 

any harm in receiving a gratuity in return for services. As a 
rule they would have voted j ust the same way anyhow. There are 
few instances of the direct purchase of hostile votes, for Walpole 
knew better than to place a premium on resistance. Moreover, 
the greatest statesmen and patriots in the last century had all 
been tainted with the suspicion of alien money. Cecil, Bacon, 
Pym, Shaftesbury, Sydney, had all taken money at different 
times with different objects. Danby had kept his party together 
by bribery. William III. had found it necessary to do the 
same. Pitt, later in the century, accepted the advantage of 
Newcastle's corrupt influence while pretending to disclaim and 
scorn it. He was the Minister of the people, it is true, in a 
certain sense ; but he could not have carried a single measure in 
Parliament without Newcastle. Walpole, therefore, merely took 
up an instrument which he found ready to his hand,, and which 
was still bright with recent use. He was not guilty of the 
fabrication of it, but he was guilty of grinding it to such a degree 
of sharpness that it would become dangerous in the hands of a 
dangerous man. He carried corruption to such perfection that 
he bequeathed to his successors a powerful engine, which 
George III. found as useful for bad government as' Walpole had 
for good. The most shameless bribery of the century was cer- 
tainly carried out by Bute and his royal pupil, but it was the 
perfection of Walpole 's system which rendered this possible. 

But he used his power weU. He was only twice in direct 
opposition to public opinion. He was never accused of per- 
sonal corruption himself. And he was extremely lenient to 

««^^,.-+;«« . ^is political opponents. In fact, he began the 
moderation ^ , . |^f j ^ i. i ^ • i 

new regime which removed the dangerous side 

of party government. Ministers no longer found it necessary 

to resort to violent means to retain their power, for fear of 



Result of Walpole's Policy, 77' 



tlie violence of their enemies. There is only one instance 
during the rest of the century of the impeachment of a fallen 
Minister, and that — the case of Walpole himself — was a 
miserable fiasco. 

His private character was extremely coarse. He lived in 
open adultery during his wife's lifetime, and married his 
mistress as soon as sweet handsome Lady Wal- 
pole was dead. The revels at Houghton, his character 
country seat, are reported to have been so in- 
decorous that they drove the austerer Townshend from his 
neighbouring estate, Rainham. His country life consisted in 
hunting all day and drinking all night ; and there is no doubt 
that this form of life was more congenial to him than even the 
government of England. His acquaintance with mankind and 
their weaknesses made him cynical. He regarded them as 
tools, and was wholly unscrupulous as to the means by which 
he turned them to his purpose, or the object with which he 
employed them. He believed neither in man's honour nor 
woman's virtue. He recommended Queen Caroline to select 
Lady TankerviUe as the king's mistress, because she was a 
"safe fool," though it does not appear that there were any 
grounds for supposing that she would consent to the arrange- 
ment. He laughed at the "Boy Patriots," and told them they 
would be wiser when they were older, meaning that it was only 
young and inexperienced men who would not vote as their 
interest should have dictated. Perhaps, however, the greatest 
blot on his career was his virulent opposition to Stanhope's 
Government ; and Lord Mahon suggests that there is poetical 
justice in the fact that his own fall was due to attacks of an 
almost similar nature. 

One of the most important results of Walpole 's exclusive 
system of government was to break up the old lines of party 
politics by destroying the meaning of parties. ^ 
It was no longer a question of Whig and Tory. o/parties°^ 
It was not even a question of Jacobite and 
Hanoverian. Carteret was a staunch Hanoverian — more ultra- 
Hanoverian than Walpole himself. Cotton, Barnard, Wind- 
ham were Jacobites of the most open type. Bolingbroke 
stood in the gap between the Whigs and Tories, ready to 
serve or revile either unscrupulously, as occasion offered. Dis- 
graced by the Pretender, declined by Walpole, rejected equally 
by George L and George 11. , nothing was left to him but to 



78 Men of the Time. 

assume the leadership of the Opposition, just as the choice of 
every one of his followers lay practically between political 
nullity and hostility to the Government. In the ranks of the 
Government itself there was no great principle, good or bad, 
which marked them off from their opponents. The long rows 
of country gentlemen who voted for Walpole, supported him 
because they considered him the best man for the country, and 
because he gratified them with solid considerations. But 
Carteret, Bolingbroke, Pulteney, even Pitt, would have sup- 
ported him equally if he would have gratified them in the way 
that tlipy desired, namely, by giving them office. The war of 
principles, in fact, had died out. The war of the Walpoleans 
against the anti- Walpoleans had taken its place. And it was 
this total submergence of party politics and party cries for the 
time which facilitated the extinction of Jacobitism, and the 
rearrangement of the country into a new Tory party, and a 
new Whig party at the end of the reign of George II., whose 
principles, while reflecting faithfully the opinions from which 
they were originally sprung, gave token of that development 
which is so necessary to suit the needs of an advancing com- 
munity. 



Section 2. — Walpole^ s Enemies, 

The leader of the Opposition in Parliament was William 
Pulteney. This celebrated man was born in 
eney; 1682. He was of good family and immense 

wealth. In early days Walpole and he had been on the most 
intimate terms. They had seceded from the Government in 
1717. They had stood side by side in opposition to Stanhope. 
They had re-entered office again together in 1720. And so 
Pulteney imagined he had the strongest claims on Walpole, 
and expected a reward siiitable to his merits and abilities when 
the sudden turn of the wheel placed his confrere at the head of 
affairs. And, indeed, his intellect and ability were such as 

rendered him eminently suited to fill any position 
caracer; ^ ^^^ Government. He was a skilled and 
powerful debater, occasionally rising to the highest flio-hts of 
oratory. He had all the advantages which an orator could 
desire— a graceful person, imposing demeanour, and melodious 



PULTENEY, 79 



utterance. His mind he had cultivated to the highest pitch 
by close application. And while his great and varied know- 
ledge rendered him capable of expressing an opinion on almost 
any subject, his ready wit prevented his ever becoming tedious. 
It was, in fact, mainly due to his exertions that the Craftsman, 
which later he edited jointly with Bolingbroke, attained such 
a high degree of excellence. His rage and disappointment may 
therefore be imagined when, with the fullest consciousness of 
his own abilities, and the utmost thirst for power, he found 
himself treated by Walpole, not as an equal, but as an inferior, 
and one who was evidently regarded with suspicion. He was far 
too able to be entrusted with any important post in the Cabinet. 
Walpole knew well that his imperious spirit would not submit 
to the dictation which was intended- to be the mainspring of the 
ministry. Pulteney, therefore, was offered a peerage ; and the 
secretaryship, which he had expected, was given to Newcastle. 
The peerage he refused, but strangely enough accepted the 
inferior post of Cofferer of the Household. His haughty temper, 
however, was not likely to remain long shackled by this tiny 
chain, which was simply intended to hold him in subordination. 
He broke out into ^ open mutiny, was at once dismissed, and 
passed into malicious and violent opposition. This is the 
period of his connection with Bolingbroke, the 
Craftsman, and the Duchess of Kendal. He walpoU*^ 
took an active part in all the plots against Wal- 
pole; and he was the leader of the more regular hostilities 
in the House of Commons. He inveighed against the 
Hanoverian policy of the Minister, the corruption by which the 
Government ruled, and the maintenance of standing armies in 
time of peace. He lavished all the stores of his intellect in the 
vain attempt to unseat the man who had not properly recog- 
nized his merits ; and in the pursuit of vengeance he stooped 
almost to the dust to conquer. And yet when the moment of 
triumph came, it was Pulteney only by the strange irony of fate 
who was not permitted to share it. In a moment of rash im- 
pulse, stung by the too true accusation that he was mainly 
prompted by personal views in his attacks on Walpole, he had 
pledged himself never to accept office ; and now he kept his 
word. On the fall of his enemy he accepted a peerage, which 
he really obtauied through the intercession of Walpole himself, 
who kniBW well that thereby he was repaying Pulteney with 
heavy interest for his own overthrow. The latter retired to the 



%!■ 



80 Men of the Time, 

House of Lords to find his influence entirely gone, his past 
failure popularity changed to hatred, and that his old 

rival had really scored the odd trick in the rubber 
after all. " The idol of the nation as William Pulteney, became 
their scorn as Earl of Bath ; he tried often, but in vain, to 
recover his lost ground ; and he passed his old age in that 
greatest of all curses which can befall the human mind — to 
find its aspirations higher than its powers ! " 

John, Lord Carteret, was one of the most remarkable and 
Carteret; most unsuccessful men of the century. He is an ■ 

extraordinary instance of a highly cultivated in- 
tellect and a great capacity for business totally ruined and 
obscured by the pernicious habit of drinking, to which he was 
a slave. Two bottles of Burgundy would render him completely 
happy ; and in the pursuit of this degrading vice he forgot the 
humiliations which chequered his political career. He had de- 
voted a great deal of time to the study of ancient and modem 
character • languages. He was deeply versed in the history 

and politics of the Continent. He had an intimate 
acquaintance with the theories and facts of international law. 
He could therefore bring to the Foreign Office a profound; 
capacity for the management of the extremely complicated ^ 
lines of policy along which England vaguely drifted during the 
18th century. He ought therefore to have made his mark as a 
Foreign Minister of unusual ability and power when the secretary^ ;; 
ship was at last entrusted to him in 1742. And yet Carteret was a 
wholly unsuccessful man. His chief claim to the recognition 
of posterity is the evolution of a scheme of policy, which was 
opposed by the general voice of the nation, which was imme- 
diately rejected by his colleagues, and which is so far from having 
given him any high position in the Temple of Fame, that it is 
entirely omitted by some historians as an abortive detail in the 
purely Hanoverian policy of George II. This was the Agree- 
ment of Hanau, so celebrated in its time, by which Carteret 
intended to exalt Hanover to the headship of the German nation 
in the year 1744. 

At the beginning of Wal pole's Ministry Carteret was one of 
his Secretaries of State ; and in this capacity his knowledge of 

German and foreign afi"airs soon brought him into 

IS ory. -j^.gj^ favour with the king : so high, in fact, that 

Walpole insisted on his transference to the political inaction 

which was dignified with the title of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. 



I I t I 



Carteret. 81 



In 1730, however, lie resigned this inferior post, and joined 
the ranks of the Opposition, of which he continued to he one 
of the foremost leaders, until the overthrow of Walpole in 
1742 once more opened to him a prospect of exercising his 
sreat talents on a wider field. Then he at once became a con- 
spicuous failure. ** As the Minister of a despotic sovereign he 
might have risen to great eminence ; but he was not suited to 
the conditions of parliamentary government, and he usually 
inclined to unpopular opinions." His mind was too large, and 
his schemes too vast for him to trouble himself about the sordid 
details of parliamentary government; and while he aimed at 
"knocking the heads of the kings of Europe together," he 
was unable to get his measures passed in Parliament, and fell 
a victim to the intrigues of JSTewcastle. With his usual good 
temper he retired once more into political insignificance, from 
which ho never really re-emerged ; though to the end of George's 
life he filled some unimportant post, and was a trusted councillor 
of the king. During the latter years of his life he is usually 
referred to as Earl foanville, to which title he succeeded in 
1744. 

Pulteney and Carteret are both specimens of the '* Patriots," 
or Hanoverian wing of the Opposition, namely, <«p f • + », 
those Whigs who were really entirely at one in 
principle and policy with the Government, but were unable to 
endure the overbearing ascendency of Walpole, and were there-' 
fore driven into opposition. 

•Among them must be included Lord Chesterfield. For 
though he was immeasurably inferior to either chesterfield 
of the two statesmen already referred to, his 
hostility to Walpole and Hanover was based on the purely 
personal question of his dismissal from office for his opposition 
to the Excise Scheme of 1733. 

Next to these more important politicians came a group of 
younger men, whom Walpole used to scotf at as " the Boys." 
Their principal members were Georfi^e Grenville, ,< Boys." 
Lord Cobham, Lyttelton, and William Pitt. 
They were all men of genius and ability. One of them, George 
Grenville, was destined to attain the highest honours in the 
race for power. Another, William Pitt, raised himself from 
obscurity to the loftiest pinnacle of fame, to be the wonder 
of his own and succeeding generations. In this wing of the 
Opposition, however, it is extremely difficult to discriminate 

a 



82 Men of the Time. 



where youthful enthusiasm ends and self-interest begins ; for 
though Pitt and his comrades hounded Walpole and Carteret 
irom office on account of their supposed leanings towards 
Hanover, Pitt himself in office became the warmest defender 
of the Hanoverian system. " Perish Hanover ! " was the cry 
of the Opposition then as " Perish India ! " has been in our 
own time. But words uttered by irresponsible lips have often 
to be sw^allowed wholesale when the end is accomplished and 
office obtained. If, then, it is necessary to draw a distinction 
between the Patriots and the Boys, it simply lies in the fact 
that the one party sought revenge, the other sought office. 
There was no hope of success for either, save over the body 
of Walpole. 

The third wing of this disorganized militia was the Tories 
Tories proper, headed by Windham, Gower, Barnard, 

who, while recognizing that Jacobitism had be- 
come an anachronism, preserved the old traditions of hostility 
to the reigning dynasty by severe and repeated strictures on the 
well-worn subjects of the Hanover subsidies, the standing army, 
the corruption of Parliament, the Septennial Act, and the Dis- 
senters. Considerable caution, however, is necessary in esti- 
mating this party simply by their own utterances. It must 
always be remembered that they made overtures to Walpole in 
1723, which were resolutely and contemptuously declined, and 
that many of them showed no disinclination to accept office 
later under the ultra- Whig Henry Pelham and the arch -cor- 
rupter Newcastle, and to defend their far from anti-Hanoverian 
policy. 

At the extreme edge of this division were ranked the few 
remnants of that party which felt no comfort even in the fall 
of Walpole while his master's throne remained secure. There 

Jacobites ^^^ ^'^'^ ^ small number of staunch Jacobites, 

headed by Shippen, who looked to Italy for 
their anointed king, who drank to " the king over the water" 
and pined for the day when a Stuart should once more set foot 
in his ancestral dominions. Though it is very true that when 
that fated day did come in 1745, few of them were very eager 
to risk anything in the cause they had talked so much about. 

The best of them was Shippen. If any man deserves the 
name of consistent at that time, it was this staunch 

ippen. ^j^ traitor. He was a consistent Jacobite, plot- 

ting sedition aU his life, and taking the oath to the Hanoverian- 



BOLINGBROKE, .83 



dynasty solely in order that he might lead the forlorn hope of 
the Stuarts in Parliament. He was for King James, as Wal- 
pole was for King George, and both despised with good hearty 
scorn the men " in long cravats," who only desired place under 
either, it did not much matter which. The honesty of the two 
leaders was about equal, but their singleness of purpose sur- 
rounds them with a faint halo amid the dull gloom of selfish 
intrigue and coarse immorality in which they moved and lived. 
Of the men outside Parliament the most dangerous, because 
the ablest and most unscrupulous, was un- Boi;«o'h oke 
doubtedly Bolingbroke. His claws, however, 
had been carefully cut by Walpole, when the latter refused to 
^reverse the Act of Attainder hanging over the ex-Minister's 
head. Therefore, though venomous as a deadly snake, he was 
not so potent for ill as if, in right of his splendid talents and 
consummate ability, he had led the Opposition in the House of 
Lords. At first, however, he appears to have hoped to be able 
to build up a grand confederation against Walpole, and crush 
him by sheer weight of numbers and genius. With these 
views he totally reversed his former policy. During his Ministry 
he had drawn hard and fast the line between the various poli- 
tical parties. Now, however, he maintained that the meaning 
of parties was practically at an end; that the new dynasty 
being firmly fixed on the throne, it was no longer a question 
between the House of Hanover and the House of Stuart ; and 
that the Whig attempt to identify the Tories with Jacobitism 
was merely an excuse for excluding their opponents entirely 
from power. In spite, however, of the amount 
of talent which he was able to enlist on his side, ^P^^^J^®." *° 
failure pursued his efforts with unvarying and * 

numbing persistency, till even the fierce flame of his inextin- 
guishable hatred waxed faint against the impenetrable wall which 
resisted all attack. The fiery restless spirit of the ex- Jacobite 
pined and chafed under the irony of his position, which com- 
pelled him to will and scheme and advise, and leave the execu- 
tion to other less able hands. Walpole could not have devised 
a more exquisite punishment had he been desirous of doing so 
than this of caging the wild beast within sight and spring of 
his enemy, and only that thin adamantine grating of the 
Attainder between them. Hopeless, yet ever hoping against 
hope, he toiled on till 1735, when, seeing clearly that even the 
great shock of the Excise Scheme had not shaken the Minister's 

G 2 



84 Men of the Time, 

ascendency in the slightest degree, he retired to the delightM 
gardens of Chanteloup in Lorraine to enjoy the literary leisure 
which had been so long denied him. " Great but ill-regulated 
genius ! Cicero could not write better — Clodius could not act 
worse ! " Of his talents as a party-leader, Mr. Lecky says, 
"His genius and daring were incontestable, but his defects 
were scarcely less. No statesman was ever truer to the interests 

tot 1 f '1 ^^ ^^^ P^^^y '> ^^^ ^y ^ strange contradiction no 

one was ever less fitted to represent it." Per- 
haps the greatest stain on his political character is that he regarded 
politics merely as a career ; principles as the outward garb 
which a man changes to suit the weather; honour, honesty, and 
enthusiasm, as "springes to catch woodcocks." Such a man 
could never be popular even with his own party. He quar- 
relled with Pulteney as he had quarrelled with Harley ; and 
when he returned to England on the resignation of Walpole 
he found himself welcomed no more cordially by the new 
regime than he had been by the old. 

His prominent position among the enemies of the Govem- 
Frederic ^^^"^ brought him into close connection with 

Prince of Frederic, Prince of Wales. This worthless, 

Wales: shallow princehng had learnt the lesson of fihal 

ingratitude from his father, and executed it to 
the very letter. The quarrel between father and son began in 
the natural course of events on the subject of money ; though, 
long before there was any open estrangement, the weak and 
treacherous young profligate had conducted himself on every 
occasion with the most insolent disregard of his parents' wishes. 
He was dissatisfied with the aUowance which his father gave 
him out of the Civil List; and, like Oliver Twist, asked for 
more, which m spite of all the efforts of his friends and fol-, 
quarrels with ^^^^^^ he did not obtain. In consequence he' 
George, 1737 ; *^^^ ^^^ extraordinary and unfeeling revenge of 

dragging the poor little princess, in the very 
agonies of childbirth, off in a jolting coach from Hampton 
Court, where the Eoyal Family were staying, to Kensington,' 
solely in order that he might pass a purposeless insult on his 
parents at the risk of killing wife and child. The result was 
that he was ordered to leave the Court, and the breach became 
irreconcilable. The leadership which Eolingbroke resigned, 
now fell into the hands of the prince, who was slowly drifting; 
on his way to chaos. The Opposition centred round him, not 



Frederic, Prince of Wales. 86 



I 



f 



"because he possessed any of the talents which would have 
(qualified him for the position of a party leader, but simply 
because he was the heir-apparent to the crown. Norfolk 
House became a second Cave of .AduUam. All who were dis^ 
contented, all who were in debt or discredit, flocked to the 
ragged banner of ^'dissolute Fred^ Yet, strange as it may 
seem, this quarrel, disgraceful and ridiculous as it was, tended 
in no small degree to strengthen the hold which the dynasty 
had established on the people. The old Whigs flattered them- 
selves that they would efface their former dishonest connection 
with the Jacobites by new-born enthusiasm for the heir of the 
House of Hanover. The Tories saw with pleasure a sale and 
easy road to power in the favour of Frederic, and 
began to look forward to George's death instead q* og-f;! 
of his dethronement. The circle at Norfolk 
House became in consequence the most brilliant in the country, 
and far excelled the Court. Most of the young rising men of 
the day had places in the prince's household. Pitt was included 
in its numbers. All the literary genius of the country flocked 
to the ready patronage which Frederic extended to them, not 
so much from any true appreciation of talent as from a desire 
to seem possessed of it. Fortunately for England, however, 
he died young. There was nothing very strikingly attractive 
in any of the early specimens of our divinely appointed Act 
of Settlement monarchs ; but even homely, strutting, or mad 
Georges were better than such a Frederic. ^' Had he had one 
grain of merit at the bottom of his heart," says Lord Hervey, 
" one should have had compassion on him in the situation to 
which his miserable, poor head had reduced him ; for his case, 
in short, was this : he had a father that abhorred him, a mother 
that despised him, a sister that betrayed him, a brother set up 
against him, a set of servants that neglected him," and the list 
might have been completed by a nation that was utterly 
indifferent to him. 

The chief importance of the connection between Frederic and 
Bolingbroke lies in the influence which the latter 
in consequence exercised on the early training of ^.® „ 
George III. -, and there is no doubt that the 
latter's mock-despotic views were mainly derived from an educa- 
tion founded on the principles expressed in Boliugbroke's 
" Patriot King," which will be discussed later on. 

Among the tag-rag of the Opposition must be included most 



86 Men of the Time. 

of the great writers of the period — Swift, Gay, Pope, Glover, 
Literary men -Arbuthnot — who all lavished the stores of their 

intellect in criticizing, abusing, and satirizing 
the policy and person of Walpole. " Gulliver's Travels " veiled 
the bitterest sarcasm on English politics and politicians under 
the thin pretence of voyages into unknown lands and records of 
strange and alien customs. " The Beggar's Opera " is supposed 
to have been wholly directed against the Government. Many 
of Hogarth's inimitable caricatures are a bitter satire on the 
various measures of Walpole. The explanation was that Wal- 
pole saw no merit in talent except so far as it was devoted to 
his own interest. That alone he encouraged and rewarded. 
But the wilder, stronger plaats, which scorned to grow along 
the lattices planted for them, were forced to rely wholly on 
their own vital energy for existence. The natural result was 
that the praises of the Government were sung by a few miserable 
pensioners only, and it was cried down by all the real literary 
talent of the country. 



Walpole and George IL 87 



CHAPTER III. 

WALPOLE AND GEORGE IL, 1727-42. 

Section 1. — George II. and his Queen, 

This period is called the reign of George II. , but so long as 
Queen Caroline lived it was she who really reigned. Therefore 
it is perhaps more appropriate and more polite that she should 
take the precedence over her little husband to which ladies are 
always entitled. 

Caroline of Brandenburg- Anspach, being left an orphan, was 
brought up at the Prussian Court, where the 
boorish youth, who afterwards became Frederic Q^een Caro- 
William I. of Prussia, fell in love with her, and ^^^ * 
followed her about like the Beast after Beauty. For Caroline in 
early days was a brilliant beauty with the sweetest of faces. 
Even to the last she retained that ineffable sweetness when she 
smiled • though years of trouble and anxiety had made fearful 
inroads on the face which had captivated both 
Frederic William and his hated cousin, " dapper ®*^^ ^ ® ' 
George " of Hanover. It is said that she even received an offer 
of marriage from the Archduke Charles ; — that Archduk^ 
Charles, who was the English candidate for the Spanish throne 
during the War of the Spanish Succession, and who afterwards 
became so troublesome to England and the world at large under 
the name of Emperor Charles YI. of Germany and Austria. 
The fact remains that she refused him on the ground that she 
would not become a Catholic. It is difficult to imagine that 
the Caroline known to English History could ever have been 
a very strict Protestant ; but her general strength and originality 
of character might well render it difficult for her to subject her 
will to the domination of the Romish Church. And so, after 
an interval of dumb bearish affection from Frederic William, 



88 Walpole and George II. 



she married George and embarked on the stormy sea of English 

politics. Little is known of her early married 
marriage ; ^.^^ ^ ^^^ .^ ^^^ ^^^ ^.^ ^^^ quarrel broke out 

between her husband and his father that her individual career 
began. Leicester House became the centre of a younger 
Court as Norfolk House did again later on. All the talent, 
beauty, wit, of the country assembled round George and his 
Caroline ; leaving the elder George to drink and smoke iii the 
evening with his ancient favourites, and to discuss business 
during the day with Walpole in Dog-Latin. Here even we 
catch a glimpse of the younger George's character which might 
foreshadow the character of the reign. He was always thoroughly 

under the control of his sensible wife ; and yet 
governs her j^g j^^p^^ ^ mistress, not apparently through any 
husband; ^ natural inclination to depravity, but more he- 
cause it was the regular and princely thing to do at the time. 
It was very much like the modern schoolboy, who in many 
cases takes to smoking not because it affords him any pleasure, 
but simply through a foolish idea that it is " manly,'*' So little 
George bestowed the official title on Mrs. Howard ; and was at 
the same time so subject to his wife's influence that apparently 
she had not the slightest fear of her rival, but rather regarded 
the whole thing with unmitigated contempt. Her extra- 
ordinary coarseness, however, showed itself in the fact that, 
even when Mrs. Howard was publicly recognized as George's 

mistress, she still retained this lady as a member 
' of her household. This coarseness is perhaps 
the most remarkable thing about Caroline's character. The 
age was coarse indeed ; but the woman who could calmly 
read page after page of the long letters in which her 
husband recounted his own infidelity, and who could allow 
*Walpole to discuss the question openly with her, must have 
had an extraordinary husband, an extraordinary Minister, and 
a still more extraordinary character. And yet it is a fact that 
her death was mainly due to a secret disease, which false 
modesty • ' niodesty had prompted her to conceal till it was 

too late to remedy it. The point on which her 
character has suffered most obloquy is her unforgiving hatred of 
her son Frederic, which she retained even to the very last. But 
it must be remembered that from a very early age he had 
omitted no opportunity of insulting and outraging his parents 
in the most unpardonable and suicidal way^ so as almost to 



Queen Caroline, 89 



justify a suspicion of mental aberration. Though not very in- 
tellectual herself, the queen encouraged intellect in others and 
patronized genius to some extent. She obtained 
a recall from exile for the Jacobite historian, tas^tes^^ 
Carte, a pardon for the poet, Sa-vage, when he 
was accused of murder, and a pension for the Arian translator 
of Josephus, Whiston. In spite of her efforts, however, literature 
sank very low, as it met with no general encouragement during 
this period. 

If there was one thing that George II. prided himself on, it 
was that he governed the kingdom without being ^ j-. 

subject to anybody's influence as his predecessors 
had been. And this ridiculous little monarch even boasted 
publicly of the fact, till the most practised courtiers suffered 
agonies in attempts to restrain their laughter. The nation, how- 
ever, knew better : — 

You may strut, dapper George, but 'twill all be in vain ; 
We know 'tis Queen Caroline and not you who reign, 

ran the popular rhjrme. Lord Hervey, too, who was in constant 
attendance at Court in his capacity of Yice- Chamberlain, and 
had unrivalled opportunities for observing, has 
left a half-pitying, half-humorous account of the ^-^^ . 
various shifts to which the queen was obliged to 
have recourse in order to hide from the conceited little monster 
the fact that everything he did. had been previously drummed 
into his head quietly by her. " For though by a superiority of 
understanding she could work him by degrees to any point 
where she had a mind to drive him, yet she was forced to do it 
often by slow degrees and with great caution ; for, as he was 
infinitely, jealous of being governed, he was never to be led 
but by invisible reins; neither was it ever possible .to make 
him adopt her opinion but by instilling her sentiments in such 
a manner as to make him think that they, rose originally from 
himself. She always at first gave in to all his notions, though 
never so extravagant, and made him imagine that any change 
she wrought in them to be an afterthought of his own." Every- 
' thing that was done in the country was reaUy managed between 
the queen and Sir Kobert Walpole privately ; after which she 
insinuated the idea into the king's mind. The farce was very 
often completed by the omnipotent ruler himself suggesting the 
idea again to Sir Robert as an emanation from his own wise head. 



:,"tlH; 



90 Walpole and George II, 



The Cabinet, wlio were well-drilled to submission, bad little to 
do with the real government of the country, except to agree to 
all which the queen and Walpole had concerted between them. 
So thoroughly obedient was George really to the gentle pressure 
which the queen exercised over him, that she could persuade 
him to act in entire contradiction to his own views. This was 
shown most remarkably in his behaviour on the death of his 
father. He conipletely reversed all his fojraer ideas. He restored 

Walpole to office again after a slight difficulty ; 
ll^lT^^ he got over his dislike for the Minister ; he even 

' acquired such an affection for the latter that he 

positively wept when obliged to receive Walpole's resignation in 
1742. He carried on his father's policy to the very letter. He ^ 
pursued the very schemes which he had constantly abused in his 
father's lifetime. He broke with all his former friends, and took 
up with his ancient enemies. All this naturally excited the 
greatest astonishment at the time ; and no doubt George him- 
self would have found it very hard to explain his conduct. 
But we, looking behind the veil which Lord Hervey has lifted 
for us, can see the figure of the queen standing ever behind 
him; bending him silently, gradually, imperceptibly to her 
purpose ; inspiring and guiding his every action, and dictating 
his very words for him. There is extraordinary irony in the 
fact that in spite of this he went through life under the 
impression that a more independent, absolute ruler of men had 
never existed. 

There was not much in George himself to admire. He was an 
personal avaricious, irreligious, ignorant, narrow-minded, 

character. insignificant, strutting little man. He had hardly 

any kingly quality except personal courage. That 
he had proved at Oudenarde, and would again at Dettingen. 
He would have made a fairly good clerk, for he was temperate, 
regular, and businesslike. His greatest infirmity was per- 
haps his best quality — namely, his entire acquiescence in his 
wife's guidance — for that enabled him to rule well. On the 
whole his reign was productive of great good to the nation; 
and he cannot be accused of over-exerting his prerogative. He 
showed that he could adapt himself to the growing needs of his 
subjects, and could subdue his own personal opinions where 
they clashed with those of the nation. The result was that he 
became popular at the end of his reign. He became identified 
with the national feeling, the national war, and the national 



SiK Spencer Compton, 91 



glory. He had the rare privilege of dying at the height of 
sucdess and popularity, amid the dazzling lustre which the 
splendid genius of Pitt had shed /)'er his declining years. 



Section 2. — Home Affairs, 1121 -i^. 

The first act of the new king was exactly what was expected 
of him. He received Walpole rudely and sulkily, and ordered 
him to go to Sir Spencer Compton, — a nonentity 
who was Speaker of the House of Commons, comp^tor*'' 
Walpole saw clearly that his day was over, and 1727. ' 
devoted himself to making himself agreeable to 
the favourite. Compton gorged the bait greedily, and at 
once availed himself of the proffered assistance with the 
most guileless and unstatesmanlike confidence. He had no 
acquaintance with his work. Would Walpole draw up the 
king's speech for him? Would Walpole! — Will a drowning 
man clutch at a life-belt when it is thrown to him ? The result 
was that, as we have seen, Walpole, relying on the queen's 
favour and a Civil List amounting to the outrageous sum of 
130,000Z. for the king and 100,000Z. for the queen, returned to 
office more absolute than ever. By his conduct in this difficult 
crisis he completely won the heart of the queen ; and from this 
time they governed the country between them. Compton's imbe- 
cility was aU the more remarkable, for if, as Lord Hervey points 
out in his scathing way, " this precedent-monger had only 
turned to the old gazettes published at the beginning of former 
reigns, he might have copied as fuU a declaration from these 
records as any Sir Eobert Walpole could give him." 

This period is even more uneventful than the last. Abroad 
Walpole steadily preserved his peace policy, 
declining to break his strict neutrality, except ® 

where the interests of England were directly concerned. At 
home there are few incidents of sufficient importance to vary the 
dead level of parliamentary eloquence until the gradual rise of 
the Spanish Craze startled the nation into active and dangerous 
vitality. The Pretender had now quarrelled with his ablest 
supporters, and disgraced himself in the eyes of all thinking men 
by a series of meannesses unworthy of the descendant of a great 
house. It was only in the lives of his children that there was 
any reason for alarm, and they were as yet too young to head an 



92 Walpole and George II. 



invasion. The main feature of the period therefore is the great 
struggle between Walpole and the Opposition, now fully formed 
under the leadership of Bolinghroke and Pulteney. 

In 1730 Walpole quarrelled with his brother-in-law, Lord 

Townshend, and compelled him to resign his 
Quarrel with p^g^^ thereby certainly depriving himself of the 
ITajr^ ' ablest man left in his Cabinet. The quarrel was 

really one of long standing, for the two brothers 
had never been exactly friends since the Treaty of Hanover. 
It was such a successful answer to the Treaty of Vienna, and so 
purely the work of Townshend, — for he had not even consulted 
Walpole on the subject — that Walpole at once felt all the 
jealousy which the fear of a possible rival always inspired him 
with. From that time a coolness sprang up between the two 
Ministers, which it required all the good offices of Lady Walpole 
to smoothe over. Her death broke the link which had con- 
nected them ; and an unscrupulous act of Walpole's caused a 
complete rupture. In 1730 Mr. Sandys introduced a Bill 
disqualifying holders of pensions from sitting in Parliament. It 
was aimed at the corrupt inHuence of the Government, and was 
in itself apar^t from its promoters a good and wise measure. 
Walpole saw this ; and yet it was necessary to the continuance 
of his power that it should not become law. He therefore 
allowed it to pass in the Commons, leaving to the Lords the 
odium of throwing it out. This conduct was highly resented by 
Townshend, the Whig leader in the Lords. He was a rough, 
imperious man, unaccustomed to dictation ; and at a party given 
by Mrs. Selwyn he apparently remonstrated roughly and 
violently with the Prime Minister. Anyhow, they both lost 
their temper, and a disgraceful scene ensued. Old friends and 
brothers as they were, they seized each other by the throat and 
fought with all the abandon and freedom of utterance of a couple 
of costermongers in Old Drury Lane. They were separated with 
some difficulty by the horrified spectators. But never again did 
Townshend take his seat on the front Ministerial benches in the 
House of Lords. Greatly to his credit he did not join the 
Opposition. He retired from public life entirely and devoted 
himself to scientific farming, with results which were highly 
important to agriculture in general. 

For a short time Walpole remained supreme, and was able in 
Abolition of consequence to pay some slight attention to 
Law Latin. domestic reforms. One of the most rational,, 



The Excise Bill, 93 



perhaps, of these was the substitution of English for the Doo*- 
Latin which was the delight of the lawyer and terror of the 
unfortunate litigant, In spite of a general legal outcry, it was 
decreed that for the future suitors were to have the privilege 
of understanding legal proceedings so far as they were capable 
of being' understood by the ordinary layman. 

A Committee was appointed to examine the state of the public 
prisons, the horrors of which, when brought into 
the strong light of parliamentary inquiry, simply p^S^^"®® ""^ 
exceeded belief. The report of the Select Com- 
mittee is full of cases in which prisoners, who could not pay the 
heavy fines exacted by the wardens and gaolers, had been sub- 
jected to every kind of insult, oppression, and in some cases 
positive starvation. Gaol-fever carried off multitudes of un- 
happy creatures ; but the lot of those who survived was scarcely 
such as to rendej them the most envied. Much was done by 
the inquiry, but still more was left undone; and it is due 
solely to the benevolent exertions of Howard that our prisons 
gradually were transformed from dungeons, which the Spanish 
Inquisition would have found little to add to in point of horror, 
into receptacles fit for the incarceration of erring or impecunious 
man. 

The second crisis in Walpole's Kfe arose on a financial question. 
This was the celebrated Excise Scheme, which, 
strangely enough, was attacked not on the direct vm^^ 
ground that it was levying taxation on the poor 
in order to conciliate the rich, but on the indirect and ridiculous 
ground that it would involve a violation of individual liberty. 
Walpole really wished simply to conciliate the country gentle- 
men by lessening the land-tax. With this view he proposed an- 
exxise on salt, which would enable him to diminish the land-tax 
by one-half, thus reducing it to one shilling. This tax was not 
origiiially intended as the beginning of a general excise ; but 
when Walpole found in 1733 that it did not produce enough to 
make up the deficiency in the revenue caused by the reduction 
of the land-tax, he determined to extend the excise to wine and 
tobacco. Even here, however, the change was mainly with 
regard to fhe mode of collection. Customs had always been levied 
on wine and tobacco ; but such an extensive system of smuggling 
had been carried on with regard to those commodities, that the 
actual receipts of the revenue were exactly a fourth of what they 
ought to have been. Walpole hoped, by collecting these duties 



94 ' Walpole and George II. 



'S*- 



for the future in the form of an excise from the retailers, in- 
stead of as customs at the ports from the importers, 
the case ^ *^ ^^^^® ^^^ amount of the receipts without increas- 
ing the rate of the tax. In fact he intended 
simply to compel many people who had hitherto illegally escaped 
payment of the customs by buying smuggled goods, to buy the 
taxed goods instead, or do without wine and tobacco altogether. 
So far, then, there was every possible recommendation for the 
scheme ; and the only people whom it injured were themselves 
violators of tlie law, and hardly deserved compassion. Walpole, 
in fact, according to Lord Hervey, expected to considerably 
increase his popularity by it. Instead of this, the country 
suddenly and most unaccountably went mad over it. " Every- . 
body talked of the scheme as a general excise ; they believed 
that food and raiment and all the necessaries of life were to be 
taxed ; that armies of excise officers were to come into every 
house and at any time they pleased ; that our liberties were at 
an end, trade going to be ruined, Magna Charta overturned, all 
property destroyed, the Crown made absolute, &c., &c." JSTow- 
_ a-days when the unreasoning democracy are 

citement*^" aroused by any cry, like a bull by a red rag, there 

are always demagogues found ready to hound the 
populace on to uncontrollable fury in order to help their own 
selfish views. So Pulteney, Carteret, Bolingbroke, at that 
time encouraged the rage of the mob against "the Mephisto- . 
phelean Minister." The excitement at Court was simply tre- 
mendous. The queen was as much agitated as if it had been 
seriously proposed to re-export the dynasty to Hanover. On 
the night of the division every arrangement was made to suppress 
the fearful riot that was expected if the Bill passed. The Guards 
were put under arms. Magistrates with the Kiot Act in their ■ 
pockets and posses of constables at their heels were moving in 
all directions. In the evening all London was on foot. The 
mob came swarming down to the very doors of the House, ' 
yelling and hustling obnoxious members as they went in. All 
through the debate the dull threatening murmur of the mighty 
multitude could be heard outside rising and falling like the surge 
and swell of the great sea. Within, the debate ran hot and 
furious. Sharp words were interchange.d on both sides. In his 
indignation at these outrageous measures for forcing the rejection 
of the Bill, Sir Kobert lost his temper, and stigmatized the 
crowd outside as ''sturdy beggars.'' The words flew like wild- ■ 



The Bill withdrawn, 95 



1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ) 



fire ; and tlie sturdy beggars very nearly made him pay dearly 
for the rash expression. When he came out with a majority in 
favour of the Bill, a rush was made ; some of them seized him 
by the cloak, and undoubtedly he would have received consider- 
able injury had not his friends and a body of constables charged 
to the rescue. As it was, the Bill was carried only to be with- 
drawn ; for Walpole saw conclusively that public opinion was 
greatly exasperated, and he would not run counter to it. The 
news of the dropping of the Bill was hailed 
through England with extraordinary delight, '''^fuj^^^ 
"The Monument was illuminated in London; ^^ rawn. 
bonfires without number blazed throughout the country ; the 
Minister was in many places burnt in effigy amid loud acclama- 
tions of the mob ; any of his friends that came in their way 
were roughly handled \ and cockades were eagerly assumed with 
.the inscription, '^Liberty, Property, and no Excise.'' The in- 
telligent foreigner — had he been present — would scarcely have 
imagined that all this enthusiasm arose, simply out of the 
abandonment for the time of a particular form of taxation ; still 
less that many of the most unpopular clauses of the measure 
would shortly afterwards be passed without exciting comment, 
solely because the name was changed. 

But though for a moment Walpole bent his head before the 
storm which his enemies had raised against him, 
there was no mercy for the traitors in his own *^^^ishment 
camp who had tried to run with the hare and 
hunt with the hounds. Chesterfield, Clinton, Burlington, Mon- 
trose, Marchmont, Stair, were dismissed with ignominy. The 
Duke of Bolton and Lord Cobham were compelled to give up 
their commissions in the army, a stretch of arbitrary power 
which was certainly utterly unjustifiable, and which supplied 
the Opposition with food for bitter attack. But Walpole's 
maxim had always been to show no quarter to traitors. Better 
an open enemy than a treacherous friend. 

Li 1733 the Polish Succession War broke out. "Walpole, 
true to his principles, refused to take the slightest 
interest in it. He sufi'ered a great deal of obloquy Polisli Suc- 
for this ; but he certainly produced a speedy \^»^^^y^^^' 
settlement of the question. For the emperor, " ' 

finding that there was no hope of the subsidies which past 
Ministries had poured like water on the thirsty sand of the 
Austrian Exchequer, with very little result, speedily accepted the. 



96 Walpole and George IT. 



mediation of England. Even Eolingbroke; the arch-enemy of 
the Ministry, admitted that the terms of the Peace (Third 
Treaty of Vienna, 1735) were better than any one could have 
expected. 

^In 1734 a general election was approaching; and so the 
Opposition united all their powers for a grand series of attacks 
on Walpole in order to create an impression on those few electors 
who were capable of being impressed by anything but money or 
influence. The campaign led off with hotly contested skirmishes 
on foreign affairs and on the dismissal of officers of the army for 
political conduct. But the really decisive battle was fought on 

the Repeal of the Septennial Act, moved by Mr. 
The ^®Pj^®^" Bromley. Bolingbroke had experienced some 
' difficulty in inducing those Whigs who had voted 

for it in the good old days of Stanhope to clamour now for its 
repeal ; but interest, as usual, carried the day. The debate was 
hot. Personalities were exchanged with considerable emphasis 
on both sides, but the palm must undoubtedly be awarded to 
Sir William Windham for the attack, and Sir Robert Walpole 
for the defence. Walpole, stung by the fierce invective of 
Windham, lashed out right and left, tearing down the flimsy ' 
veil with which the Whig deserters attempted to cover their 
tergiversation, and openly accused Bolingbroke of being the 
cause of the whole. " Let me suppose an anti-Minister who 
thinks himself a person of so great and extensive parts that he 
looks upon himself as the only person capable to conduct the 
public affairs : — suppose this fine gentleman lucky enough to 

have gained over to his party some persons really 
^rick^ou ^^ ^® P^^*^' ^^ ancient families, and of great 

Bolingbroke. fortunes ; others from desperate views arising from ' 

disappointed and malicious hearts; all these 
gentlemen being moved by him solely, all they say being only a 
spitting out of that venom which he has infused into them ; and 
yet we may suppose tlus leader not really liked by any, even of 
those who so blindly follow him, and hated by all the rest of 
mankind. We will suppose this anti- Minister to be in a country 
where he really ought not to be, and where he could not have been 
but by the effect of too much goodness and mercy, yet endeavour- 
ing with all his art to destroy the fountain from which that 
fountain flowed." How the fiery Opposition chieftain must 
have writhed in spirit at the bitter truth of his rival's taunts, 
and the more bitter truth that he could never reply ! 



' The Porteous Riots. 97 



The elections, in spite of all the exertions of his enemies 
gave Walpole once more a steady majority, and General elec- 
the result was that Bolingbroke, who had openly tion, 1735. 
quarrelled with Pulteney and was weary of beat- withdrawal 
ing the empty air, withdrew from public life to of Boling- 
France. broke. 

The session of 1736 was remarkable for an attempt to remove' 
the disabilities of the Dissenters, which difficult 
question Walpole had so long put off on the plea Jljgg®^*®^^' 
that it " was not yet time.'' There was not the 
slightest doubt that the Church would not hear of tolerance ; 
and Walpole did not feel himself strong enough to quarrel with 
such an influential body. The Dissenters therefore once more 
went to the wall, and the Bill was rejected.. 

The most serious event of the year 1736 was the celebrated 
Porteous Kiots, the origin of which was sin- 
gular. Two smugglers were imprisoned in the B,iotri736 
Tolbooth, the old Edinburgh prison, for some 
petty offence or other ; one of the many for which men were 
hung by scores in the "good old times." They contrived to 
obtain a file, freed themselves from their irons, and cut through 
a bar of a window grating. Wilson, a big man,, insisted on 
going' first; but got fixed in the aperture, so that he could 
neither advance nor extricate himseK. Reeling with bitter self- 
reproach that but for him his companion, Kobertson, would have 
escaped, he determined to do something to save him. Next 
Sunday, when church was over, he attacked his guards unex- 
pectedly, crying to Kobertson to escape ; and during the con- 
fusion the latter jumped over the pews and disappeared. This 
generous Conduct excited considerable sympathy for Wilson ; and 
though his execution passed off quietly enough, yet after the 
body had been cut down the rabble began to attack the guards 
with stones. Captain Porteous, the commander, losing his 
temper, ordered his men to ^^ on the crowd, and in conse- 
quence several persons were wounded. For this Porteous was 
. tried and condemned ; but, in consideration of the provocation, 
was reprieved by the queen. The people were furious at this, 
and determined on revenge. There appears to be no doubt 
that this intention was communicated to the city authorities 
and to the general in command of the troops, and that yet 
nothing was done to prevent the outbreak. A little before ten 
o'clock a disorderly mob, armed with halberts and Lochaber 



98 Walpole and George II. 



axes snatched from the city guard-house, assembled before the 
Tolbooth, and, with cries of " Porteous, Porteous ! " battered in 
the door, dragged the unhappy man from the chimney in which 
he was hiding, and hanged him on a barber's pole with all pos- 
sible ceremony. It was only too clear from the regularity with 
which it was carried out that persons of the upper classes were 
connected with the crime. The queen was furious at the 
insult to her authority. The wildest plans were proposed. 
Scotland was to become a hunting-ground; the Charter of 
Edinburgh was to be abolished ; the provost was to be incapaci- 
tated from ever holding any office again. One almost smiles to 
think of fat, good-tempered Queen Caroline thus anticipating 
■ the deeds of JSTorth and Eobespierre. Common sense, however, 
and the Scotch peers came to the rescue, and the matter ended 
in the infliction of a fine of 2000?. on the city and the disgrace 
of the provost. 

The eyes of the nation, however, were shortly diverted from 
Quarrel be- i^ore serious matters to the disgraceful tragi- 
tween George comic squabble between George II. and *' dis- 
and Frederic, solute Fred," which ended in the banishment of 
1737. the latter from Court, 1737. 

In this same year, 1737, occurred the third crisis inWalpole's 
long period of power — the ftueen died ! The Opposition 
fondly imagined that at last their hour had come, and that 
Walpole, deprived of his only support, must inevitably fall. 
Great, however, was their disappointment when they discovered, 
The Queen's ^^^* ^^^ ascendency was apparently unshaken, 
death. ^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ she dilated on her death-bed on 

Walpole's services to the dynasty, and cordially 
recommended him to the king. The king in political matters 
always followed her advice, and moreover had a certain amount 
of sturdy common sense of his own which enabled him to 
estimate the true value of the men about him. 

The result of these disappointments and the steady hostility 
of Walpole to great men of any kind was that 
sitfon ^°' *^® Opposition became desperate, and the con- 

test rapidly drifted into a struggle between per- 
sonal enemies, embittered and rendered more unscrupulous by 
an intense desire for office. They tried every means of hinder- 
ing his measures. They inveighed against his peace policy, his 
standiiig army, corruption, anything. They even adopted the 
doubtful tactics of a temporary secession from parliamentary 



The Spanish Question. 99 



life, which was productive of little except unwelcome leisure 
for themselves and unexpected peace for Walpole. 

However, though Walpole knew it not, inevitable war was 
looming in the distance, and this would be the 
opportunity of his enemies. The Spanish ques- ^?if.^«*^^^^ 
tion was rismg daily mto greater importance, and 
was destined to be the rock on which his Ministry would split. 

Section 3. — The Spanish Question, 

The English had recognized the right of Spain to regulate the 
trade with her colonies by several treaties, of which the most 
important . were the Treaties of Utrecht, 1713, and Seville, 
1729. The footing on which English commerce was placed 
was that England had the privilege of supplying the Spanish 
colonies with slaves (the Assiento) and of sending one merchant 
ship annually to the South Seas with as much of English goods 
as a ship of 500 tons could carry. All other commerce with 
the colonies was strictly forbidden. The natural result was 
that the treaty was systematically violated. The ,, „ 

growing commerce of England found a vent in a dispute. 
vast illicit trade which sprang up with the 
Spanish colonies and caused the annual fair of Panama, which 
had been intended as the mart of South America, to be entirely 
deserted. This was effected in two ways : first, by open smug- 
gling on various pretexts at the Spanish ports; secondly, by 
sending a fleet . of tenders to hang off the coast, and refill the 
annual sloop again and again by night until it resembled a 
Fortunatus' purse, which could never be emptied. In conse- 
quence of these tricks the Spaniards retaliated by searching 
all merchant ships cruising off the coast, and using violence 
and outrage to those found in suspicious circumstances. The 
result was that stories, more or less exaggerated, were brought 
home of Spanish severities to English sailors, which were 
received with great indignation by the English nation. 

The most celebrated of these was the story of Jenkins' Ear, 
which has given a derisive title to the war itself — 
a title, however, very pregnant of meaning. The !1 ^^^^^^^' 
story, as narrated by Carlyle, is that Captain 
Jenkins of the ship. Rebecca left Jamaica for London in 1731. 
Not far off the coast of Havannah he was boarded by a Spanish 
revenue cutter. These people ''broke in on Jenkins in an 

H 2 



100 Walpole and George II. 



extraordinary manner; tore up liis hatches — plunged down; 
not the least trace of contraband on board of Jenkins. They 
shook and rummaged him ; they slashed the head of Jenkins, 
his left ear almost off; they hung him up to the yardarm," but 
let him down again half -choked. And then, at last, " the sun 
getting low, they made a last assault on Jenkins ; clutched the 
bloody slit ear of him, tore it mercilessly off, flung it in his 
face, ' Carry that to your king and tell him of it.' " Then 
Jenkins, according to his own account, "commended his soul 
to God and his cause to his country,'^ and, with his ear done up 
in cotton- wool, came back to demand vengeance. Another ver- 
sion, however, of the story is that Jenkins really lost his ear in 
the pillory, and that the tale of his encounter with the Spaniards 
was pure invention. 

It is pretty certain, hoTvever, that whether Jenkins and his 
Rebecca were or were not treated in this way, very similar out- 
rages were continually perpetrated by revenue ships on the 
Spanish main. 

There were besides other causes of dispute. The Spaniards' 
denied the English right to cut logwood in the Bay of Cam- 
peachy and collect salt in the Island of Tortuga. There was 
also a fertile source of trouble in the unsettled boundaries be-^ 
Family ccm- ^^^^^ Florida and Georgia, which each nation 
pact, 1733. naturally construed to their own advantage. The 

growing preponderance of. English commerce ex- 
cited the jealousy of France and Spain, and the result was the 
conclusion of a secret treaty in 1733 between them, the object 
of which was to limit EngHsh commerce as much as possible. 
The revenue officers on the Spanish main Avere therefore in- 
structed to exercise the right of search to the utmost, and to 
punish all illicit trading with the greatest severity. The 
Spaniards saw that the moment had come when they must 
either maintain their monopoly by force or consent to give it up. 
It is this which gives importance to the apparently purposeless §. 
"War of Jenkins' Ear," which seems to have begun owing to'' ' 
a whim of the English people, flattered by the Opposition^for 
purely factious motives ; and to have ended without any result 
at all, for the question of the right of search on which the war 
began was entirely passed over at the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 

Importance l^^^' ^^ ^^^' ^^ ^^^*^' ^ ^^^i' ^o decide whether 
pf the war. ^^^^^ should any longer stride, like some huge 

Colossus, across America, and forbid the "ex- 



End of Walpole. 101 

pansion of England" in that continent. If England was to 
work out her mission in the world, the power of Spain must be 
hroken ; the English flag must be supreme in both hemispheres ; 
trade must be free. These questions were decided in favour of 
England by the war; but they were decided tacitly. The 
right of search was not mentioned at Aix-la-Chapelle for poli- 
tical reasons; but practically it had become impossible for 
Spain to enforce it. Practically it was settled that it was no 
longer possible for Spain to maintain the restrictions by which 
she had guarded her monopoly. The Spanish War, therefore, 
has an interest to England entirely apart from the Austrian 
Succession War ; and for this reason it seems best to treat of 
them apart. The Austrian Succession may or may not have 
been of importance to England ; but the Spanish question 
jiouched her development as a commercial and colonizing power, 
which was to lead to such stupendous results. 

The English people, therefore, insisting on war, and blindly 
believing in Jenkins, pilloried or not piUoried, were really 
treading the path ordained for them. The Opposition, blind, 
factious, and selfish, as their conduct really was, can claim the 
credit of leading the nation to world-wide Empire, position of 
And Walpole — closed his Ministerial career by Walpole. 
steadily opposing the national cry for war as long 
as it was possible to do so; and then— remained in office to 
carry out the policy of his opponents ! And yet there were 
excuses to be urged for him, which could not be urged for any 
Minister now. He knew that the Opposition merely proposed 
war because he advocated peace ; that they attacked his measures 
for carrying on the war because they were his ; and that they 
would foUow out his policy to the letter if they once got into 
office. 

Section i. — The End of Walpole. 

This Spanish question, therefore, was the difficulty which 
Walpole had to face after the year 1737. At first he steadily 
refused to recognize it, or to break his peace policy, which had 
.done so much for England. But a change had come over the 
face of affairs. He had undoubtedly lost his strongest support 
when the queen died. George himself was inspired with martial 
ardour, and was eager for war, under the mistaken impression 
that he was a heaven-sent commander. Even Newcastle had at 
last been snubbed into mutiny, and Newcastle hoped to rise by 



102 Walpole and George II. 



encouraging the king's desire for war and ousting Walpole. And 

so the tide ran stronger and stronger against peace, 
with Spain ^^^ Walpole found himself obliged to declare war 

with Spain, 1739. This was received with as much 
excitement as the withdrawal of the Excise Scheme hd»(i been. 
" They are ringing the bells now, they will soon be wringing 
their hands," muttered the Minister when the City bells pealed 
out in joyful unison, and the red glow on the top of the Monument 
shed a lurid light over the dusky outline below. And yet both 
were right. Through the smoke and glare which hung over the 
city Walpole could see years of war, carnage, and heavy taxation, 
looming in the distance, and far to the north the dreaded Spectre 
of Jacohitism rising once more in arms over the Grampian 
Hills. Beyond he could not see ; nor was it given to the 
man who had done so much for England to lift the veil which 
shadowed her future greatness. 

War, however, had been declared, and though the fighting - 
apparatus was in a terrible state, something had to be done. 
Two expeditions were therefore sent out to America. Anson 
^ ., was to sail round the Horn, and do what he could 

in pillaging the rich Spanish ships and towns 
along the Pacific coast. Yemon was to destroy the strong for- 
tress of Cartagena. Anson, after many adventures, returned 
home round the world, laden with plunder. Vernon failed 
ignominiously. The latter fact ought to have done Walpole 
good, for Vernon was the man of the Opposition. Cables of iron, 
however, could not have resisted the intolerable pressure which 
Avas brought to bear on him. War had broken out in Germany 
as well ; and the country wanted a war Minister to carry it on 
with energy. And so when Walpole found himself only able to 
Fall of ^^^^-^ ^^^ Government candidate on the Chippen- 

Walpole: ^^^ Election Petition, 1742, by a very small 

majority, he knew his time had come. His resig- 
nation was regarded as the beginning of a political miUennium. 
but he knew well that it really meant the total break up of his 
enemies, and the disappointment of the great majority of those 
who had been bitterest against him. 

The result y, as much as he had expected. Pulteney retired 
to the Lords, thereby losing all popularity and influence. 
Eolingbroke, who had returned at the good news, learnt that 

result. ^^.®^® ^^^. "^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^™ i^ ^^e new Ministry. 

Pitt,, finding that his merits were p«ot valued at 



r^' 



Death of Walpole, 103 



his own estimation, returned once more to bitter opposition. 
The real advantage was won by the deserter Newcastle. Car- 
teret and a few others obtained of5.ce, and a Ministry, nominally 
headed by the Earl of Wilmington (formerly Sir Spencer 
Compton), and supported by Newcastle's corrupt influence, was 
formed. Carteret, however^ became the most important man in 
the Ministry, owing to the extraordinary prominence of foreign 
affairs. 

Walpole retired to the Lords as Earl of Orford, and though a 
vain attempt was made to impeach him, the influence of the 
Court was successfully exerted to screen him. -n i, * 
Even in retirement he exercised considerable in- -viTalpole 
fluence over the fortunes of his country owing to 
the extraordinary opinion which George had of his counsels. He 
died in March, 1745, just as the general European war, which 
he had so long striven to avert, was breaking out everywhere 
with renewed fury. 



104 The Austrian Succession War. 



^Soofe JIE,— PELHAM, 1742-54. 



I 

CHAPTEK I. 

THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION WAR, 1740-48. 

Section 1. — Austria and Bavaria, 1740-43. 

The death of the Emperor Charles YI. in 1740 threw open 
two questions of considerable importance to Europe in general. 
These were the succession to the Austrian dominions, and the 
succession to the Empire. Charles had left no male children ; 
otherwise there would probably have been no (^ fficulty at all. His 
heir was his daughter Marie Therese, a han(Jspnie young woman 
of about twenty-three, who had been lately quarried to Erancis 
of Lorraine, the Grand Duke of Tuscany;.:;* So far as natural 
right and international good faith had anyiliing to do with the 
The Austrian ^^.^J^^^' ^^® claims of Marie Therese to the Aus- 
succession. ^^^^^ dominions seemed incontrovertible ; for she 

was not only the lawful heir of Charles YI, but 
the Pragmatic Sanction, which declared her to be such, had been 
guaranteed over and over again by nearly all Europe at different 
periods. With regard to the Empire the question was un- 
doubtedly an open one. The fact that the Austrian Plouse had 
occupied the imperial throne since the fifteenth century was no 
doubt a very good foundation in Marie's eyes for a prescriptive 
right to it for the future. Bat it was equally likely to furnish 
the Electors with a desire to break that prescriptive title on 
the first possible opportunity. A favourable moment presented 
itself now for this. The question was— how would it be used 1 



Frederic II, . 105 



How the matter would have ended if the parties concerned- 



V \ k 1 



namely, Austria and the Empire — had been allowed to settle it 
alone, it is impossible to say. But there was never the slightest 
chance of this ; and so it is of little importance. France con- 
sidered herself interested in the question ; or rather, her war 
Minister, the Duke de Belleisle, hoped that 
France might extract some advantage by inter- Belleisle. 
fering. Natural right and international good 
faith were in his eyes excellent deities for other more thick- 
witted nations, but scarcely suited to his lively countrymen. 
Frenchmen, with the memory of Utrecht before them, were as 
willing to shout a Vienne in 1740 as a Bei^lin in 1870. Belle- 
isle, therefore, evolved the following sounding project. France 
should unite with the discontented German princes, and enable 
them to elect one of their own number to the imperial throne, 
thus excluding the Grand Duke Francis ; should assist the 
various claimants to partition the Austrian succession, leaving 
only the kingdom of Hungary and its dependencies to Marie 
Therese. Thus Austria would bt? excluded from Germany ; 
Germany itself would be split up into a number of small king- 
doms dependent on France. 

This was the prospect which met the keen unscrupulous 
vision of Frederic II. of Prussia, a prince of the most un- 
bounded ambition and reckless daring. The idea which at once 
occurred to him was that Marie's weakness, Belleisle's plan, and 
German grievancjes, were all so many points in his favour in any 
scheme for his o-"^ii "aggrandizement. It was quite clear that 
war was imminent between Austria and France. It was equally 
clear that England, after the due amount of blundering at the 
beginning, would come forward effectively to 
support the young queen. Which side should Designs of 
Frederic take 1 Or, in fact, with a fine disregard o/pru^g^sia 
for sentimental considerations, which side would 
give him most 1 The obvious answer was that neither would 
give him more than they could help. He therefore determined 
to take advantage of the general confusion and obtain possession 
of a solid pledge which would enable him to dictate his own 
terms. "Without any declaration of war he marched an army into 
Silesia, on the pretext of some really obsolete claims, occupied 
the chief towns, and routed the Austrian army of relief at 
Molwitz (April 10, 1741). He then offered to assist the queen, 
and support her husband's candidature for the Empire, in return 



106 The Austrian Succession War. 



for the cession of Lower Silesia. Marie, however, haughtily 
refused any accommodation. Frederic, therefore, concluded 
an alliance with France (June, 1741), which was quickly fol- 
lowed by an irruption of two French armies into Germany 
(August, 1741). 

So far success was on the side of the allies. Walpole confined 

himself to promising money, and advising the 
the French. queen to make terms with Frederic. The French . 

seized Bohemia and the frontier fortresses of 
Austria. Hanover was in such peril that George concluded a 
convention for its neutrality. The Elector of Bavaria was 
elected to the imperial throne as Charles YII. A Spanish, 
and l^eapolitan army overran all Lombardy. 

The tide, however, soon turned. Marie appealed to her Hun- 
garians, and they rose en masse at her call. Despair drove her 
to conclude a verbal agreement at Klein-Schnellendorf with 
Frederic, of neutrality on his part, the cession of Lower Silesia 
on hers (October 9th, 1741). An Austrian army under Kheven- 
hiiller overran Bavaria and drove out the French. So that the 
unfortunate Charles was really a homeless fugitive at the very 
moment when he had attained the highest earthly honour 
(February, 1742). Another Austrian army invaded Bohemia, 
and shut the French up in Prague, from which the latter were 
obliged eventually to retire with great loss (December, 1742). 
The elevation of the Bavarian excited jealousy among the other 
German princes; and this, coupled with the fear that France would 
obtain an overwhelming influence in the Empire^ induced them 
to lean once more to an Austrian alliance. Frederic II., it is 

Triumph of *^^^' ^^^^°^®^ ^^ ^^^ growing power of Austria, 
Austria. ^^^. <iesirous of securing all Silesia, broke out 

again ; but a short and hotly-contested campaign 
inspired both parties with a sincere desire for peace, which was 
arranged at Breslau on the basis of the cession of Silesia and 
Glatz to Prussia (June, 1742). The King of Sardinia deserted 
his allies, and enabled the Austrians to drive the Spaniards out 
of North Italy. Commodore Martin and an English squadron 
appeared in the Bay of ]^aples, and compelled Don Carlos to 
consent to neutrality. Admiral Matthews, in command of 
another squadron, destroyed the Spanish fleet in the French 
harbour of St. Tropez, to which it had fled for shelter. Lastly, 
and perhaps most important of all to Marie, Walpole was suc- 
ceeded by Carteret (February, 1742), who was determined to 



\ \ \ \ 



Carteret. 107 



carry on the war with vigour on the Continent, The affairs of 
Austria therefore, owing to the valour of the Hungarians, the 
subsidies of England, and the change of feeling in Germany, 
were in a most prosperous condition at the commencement of the 
year 1743. 

Carteret's first measures almost had been to increase the army 
and navy, obtain large subsidies for Austria, and form the 
nucleus of a British force in Flanders which he intended to use 
against France. Little, however, was done at 
first. The new Ministry were too much occupied C^'^*®^®*'^ 
in squabbling over the arrangement of places and 
the intended impeachment of Walpole to devote much attention 
to less interesting subjects. The Dutch were too undecided and 
callous to be easily aroused from the torpor into which they had 
sunk after Utrecht. The British forces therefore during the 
year 1742 remained idle in Flanders. The fleet, as we have 
seen, played a considerable part in' the Mediterranean ; but the 
event of the year, as far as England was concerned, was the 
conclusion of the Treaty of Breslau, which removed Prussia and 
Poknd (Saxony) from the war, and which was mainly due to 
the diplomacy of Carteret. 

T^e year 1743, however, marked the more decided entrance 
of England into the war on the Continent, though still in 
theory as a mere auxiliary of Austria. For it must be remem-. 
bered that matters were in the ridiculous state that we were 
nominally, though not actually, at war with Spain, and nomi- 
nally at peace with France, against whom we were straining 
every nerve to the uttermost. In February the British army, 
including a number of Hessians and Hanoverians, at last got on 
the march from Flanders under the command of the veteran 
Earl of Stair. On the road it was reinforced by a detachment 
of Austrians. After a combination of blunders on both sides 
rarely excelled, the English contrived to rout the army of the 
Duke de !N'oailles at Dettingen, at which George i- -u * 

himself was present. It may be added that this ^^^ ^^ p^^^" 
is the last instance of an English monarch per- tingen, 1743. 
sonally taking part in any battle. This victory 
was followed by the expulsion of the French from Bavaria, the 
capture of Munich, and the surrender of the few remaining 
French garrisons in Bohemia. Practically Germany was cleared ; 
for what was left of the two great French armaments in Korth 
and South Germany was compelled to retire beyond the Rhine. 



108 The Austrian Succession War. 

As for the unfortunate Charles YII., he found himself obliged 
to surrender at discretion. 

A grand series of negotiations now .began. The bone of con- 
tention really was the unfortunate emperor, for Marie and 
George were agreed on every other point, except perhaps Silesia. 
Marie demanded that the election of Charles should be declared 
illegal, and hence null and void, and that Bavaria should be 
confiscated as a penalty for his presumption. George maintained 
that this would be an infringement of the rights of the German 
princes. Under these circumstances it was impossible for 
them to come to an agreement. Carteret therefore arranged . a 
convention with the emperor by which George undertook to 
support the validity of the election, to insist on the restoration of 
Bavaria, and even to pay the impoverished creature a subsidy, on 
condition that he would entirely give up all connection with the 

French and transfer all the fervour of his affection 
of^Hanau^ to England aiid Austria instead. This Agree- 

1743. ' ment of Hanau would have enabled George to 

figure before the world as protector of the rights 
of the German princes. Hanover, in fact, would have assumed 
the position in Germany which Austria had held hitherto, and 
which eventually fell to Prussia. 

Both Carteret and George, however, forgot that England had 
plunged into the war, not out of any special love to Austria, or 
desire to aggrandize Hanover. It was simply to settle the great 
commercial question with Spain. The war had arisen with 
France apparently on a purely German question ; but it was quite 
certain that France must anyhow have been included eventually 
in the commercial war, owing to her strong sympathy with Spain 
Indignation ^^^ constant rivalry with England, The sea, 
of England. therefore, in the eyes of the English people was 

far the most important basis of operations. They 
desired that as far as was possible it should become the only one. 
And yet hitherto, with the exception of "Walpole's expeditions to 
the West, which had really failed entirely, and the exploits of 
the fleet in the Mediterranean, England might just as well have 
been at peace with Spain. Undoubtedly, too, there had been 
outrageous extravagance with regard to the public money. Sub- 
sidies had been lavished on Austria with little return but 
insolence. Hanoverian troops had been hired by the thousand 
at vast expense to wander aimlessly up and down the Eiver 
Main. And now it was proposed to pay the expenses of the 



\ 



Treaty of Worms. 109 

' — — — • — — . 

emperor simply in order that Hanover might be able to boast 
of it. A great commotion ensued, which the rivals of Carteret 
in the Cabinet took advantage of. It is difficult to imagine that 
Newcastle could have been inspired by any very lofty senti- 
ments at any time, but still it is probable that 
he was as patriotic as such a man could be. At any Newcastle's 

• V16WS 

rate, he may well have objected to such an enormous 
waste of British treasure with absolutely no result for England 
or himself ; though no doubt his patriotism was sharpened con- 
siderably by the desire to destroy the overwhelming influence of 
Carteret. Parliament in consequence — in which jSTewcastle's 
influence was limited only by his resources for corruption — 
refused to ratify the Agreement of Hanau ; and Carteret was 
unpleasantly awakened from a very delusive dream. 

A Treaty of Worms had to be concluded instead. The 
Hanoverian projects and the emperor were equally 
thrown over to the shame of both George and t^I °1743 
Carteret. A close alliance was concluded between ' 

- England, Austria, Holland, Sardinia, Saxony (and Poland). 
The King of Sardinia undertook to defend the Austrian 
dominions in Italy in return for certain cessions in the Milanese. 
England and Austria agreed to invade France. This treaty was 
finally accepted by Parliament after the excision of cei-tain 
obnoxious subsidiary clauses. 

The position of affairs therefore at the end of the year 1743 
was that the Allies of Worms undertook to carry out the 
Pragmatic Sanction of Charles YI. against all opponents. Mat- 
ters were really looking extremely black for France. 

Section 2. — England and France, 1743-48. 

The year 1744, however, saw two very important changes. 
Prussia renewed the war on the Austrian flank , 
and rear, thus paralyzing her efforts on the Ehine. * 

England and France now really came forward as the principals in 
the war, sweeping aside the flimsy veil of auxiliary assistance 
under which they had hitherto veiled their belligerency. 

Frederic, in fact, was extremely alarmed at the success of Aus- 
tria and England, and the high-handed manner in which they 
proposed to deal with questions of such importance. He there- 
fore tried to conclude a League of Frankfurt , 
among the German princes to defend their rights Frankfurt 
against Austria. This, however, was a complete 1744. 



110 The Austrian Succession War, ., . 

failure, for his selfishness was too well known for him to 
be trusted. He therefore concluded an alliance with France 
for a renewal of the war. France had endeavoured to nego- 
tiate a peace with Austria, but all overtures were contemp- 
tuously declined by Marie. The king, therefore, incited by the 
Duchess de Chateauroux, determined to carry on the war with 
greater vigour. The result was a regular declaration of war 
between England and France ; and an irruption of a Prussian 
army into Saxony and Bohemia. Frederic's advance into 
Bohemia undoubtedly saved France for the time, but he met 
with no return in the shape of assistance. France devoted her- 
self entirely to the war in Flanders and Italy, and thus ceased 
to exercise any influence on Germany. This enabled Austria 
to withdraw from the Khine, and confine herself to the war on 
her flank and rear ; leaving to England and Sardinia the thank- 
less duty of defending her more distant territories in Italy 
and the N'etherlands. The French victories of Fontenoy and 
Basignano over the English and Sardinians produced absolutely 
no effect on Austria, who, like France, was absolutely indifferent 
to the fate of her allies. The Jacobite Invasion, though it 
denuded Flanders of British troops and caused the greatest 
alarm in England, had about as much interest to Frederic, as an 
invasion of Barataria. Therefore, though he remained uniformly 
victorious, and was able to destroy successively all the combina- 
tions of the Austrians, yet he was unable to prevent the elec- 
tion of the Grand Duke Francis to the imperial throne, or the 
gradual accession of aU the German princes to the Austrian 
Confederation. Satisfied, therefore, with having accomplished 
his design of limiting the ascendency of Austria and Hanover, 
and disgusted at being paid out in his own coin by the French, 
Treaty of ^^® determined once more to throw over his friends, 

Dresden, 1745. ^^^ concluded a separate peace with Austria. 

This Treaty of Dresden (December, 1745) merely 
confirmed the cession of Silesia to Prussia. 

The Jacobite Invasion of 1745-46 entirely paralyzed the 
English operations in Flanders. Marshal Saxe and his French- 
men took advantage of this to overrun the whole of the 
JS"etherlands and invade Holland. Their success, however, was 
amply counterbalanced by the loss of their Prassian, Bavarian, 
and Spanish allies, and a monarchical revolution in Holland. 
The Treaty of Fuessen had proclaimed the adhesion of Bavaria 
to the Austrian alliance. The Treaty of Dresden secured the 



Desire for Peace., ' HI 



neutrality of Prussia. The death, of Philippe V., and the acces- 
sion of Ferdinand VI. to the throne of Spain was followed 
hy peace between that country and England. A great defeat 
at Eaucoux roused the indignation of the Dutch 
against their republican rulers ; and amid great jiJande 
popular ferment the Prince of Orange was pro- 
claimed hereditary Stadtholder of Holland. Therefore, when the 
English were able to attend once more to the war in Elanders, 
matters were in a much more favourable condition. Unfortu- 
nately, however, in those days the English did not possess such a 
thing as an efficient general ; and the various courageous, though 
utterly incapable warriors, who in turn took the command, were 
no match for the splendid genius of Saxe and Lowendahl. The 
result naturally was that the English army was hunted from 
pillar to post, and beaten in the most ignominious way at in- 
tervals ; until at last the fall of the great fortress of Bergen 
op Zoom, the key of Holland, completed the humiliating roll 
of defeats. 

The war in Italy, on the contrary, had been disastrous to 
France. The naval war had been a perpetual triumph to 
England. The French Colonial Empire had been 
violently broken into. Their fleet was almost cohm' ^l 
totally destroyed. The capture of Cape Breton 
Island opened up the road to the St. Lawrence and Canada. 
In 1747 Admiral Anson defeated a French squadron near Cape 
Finisterre. This was shortly followed by another victory won 
off Belleisle by Admiral Hawke. In the same year as many 
,as 644 prizes were taken, and the commerce of France was 
totally annihilated. These great successes amply compensated 
for the disasters in Flanders, and the victories of Saxe. 

All parties, however, began to be eager for peace. England, 
France, and Holland, were weary of war, and burdened with 
enormous debts. Success in one direction had been invariably 
balanced by defeat in another. Most of the questions on which 
war had arisen had practically settled themselves. *• *• 

Only Austria desired to continue the struggle, ®^° ^* ^°°^* 
and Austria's warlike fervour was induced mainly by the astute 
reflection that she conld not lose anything by using England 
and Sardinia as cat's-paws, and might gain some valuable acquisi- 
tion to replace the loved and lost Silesia. The same idea, 
however, probably occurred to the cat's-paws themselves with 
dissimilar resulis ; for, after the due amount of haggling, the 



112 The Austrian Succession War. 

mock- indignant protests of Austria were disregarded, and a 
Congress met at Aix-la-Chapelle to arrange the terms of 
peace. 

As it happened there were very few left to settle, which 
rendered the task of the diplomatists considerably lighter than 
usual. Austria alone offered objections \ but Austria, finding 
herself alone, was compelled unwillingly to give in, and consent 

to recognize once more the concessions which 
1 ^Chaw lle^^~ ^^c^ssity had previously wrung from her. And 
April 20, 1748. so by April 20th, 1748, it was arranged that 

all conquests should be mutually restored ; that 
the fortifications of Dunkirk towards the east should be demo- 
lished ; that the Assiento Treaty should be confirmed for four 
years ; that the Pretender should be excluded from France; 
that the Imperial Election and the Pragmatic Sanction should 
be guaranteed by France ; that the territories ceded by Austria 
to Prussia and Sardinia should be confirmed to them, with the 
exception of Placentia — which, together with Parma, was 
erected into a dukedom for Don Philip, the second son of 
Elizabeth Farnese. 

As far as England was concerned this war of the Austrian 
Succession, or war of Jenkins' Ear, and the later Seven Years' 
War are really 'one long struggle, — broken in Europe by a 
hollow truce of eight years, but continuing almost uninter- 
ruptedly in the colonies in different ways. It is convenient, 
however, to stop here in order to consider the particular history 
of England, and to estimate her social and political develop- 
ment during the first half of the eighteenth century. 



Ministry OF Carteret. 113 



CHAPTEE II. 

CARTERET AND PELHAM, 1742-54. 

Section 1. — Ministry of Carteret, 1742-44. 

As Pulteney very unwisely and very nnpatriotically declined 
to accept the responsibility which he had brought upon him- 
self, Walpole was able to contrive that his old colleague, 
Wilmington (Sir S. Compton) should become the ^j^^ ministry, 
nominal head of the new Ministry. Yery few 
changes were really made. The two Pelhams remained — New- 
castle as Secretary of State, Henry Pelham as Paymaster. The 
other Secretary was Lord Carteret. Pulteney had a seat in the 
Cabinet, though he refused to take any office. Lord Hard- 
wicke continued Lord Chanc^or, and Mr. Sandys, who had 
led the great attack on Walpole, was appointed Chancellor of 
the Exchequer.. 

In spite of the furious onslaughts on Walpole, and the bitter 
invective against the unparalleled corruption with which he was 
accused of ruining the country, very little evidence of direct 
bribery could be brought against him. It is true that all the 
inHuence of the Court was exerted to screen him, and that 
many important witnesses directly refused to say a word against 
him. Still the total failure of his enemies to substantiate any 
of their charges caused a considerable change in public opinion 
with regard to them. Moreover, it was still . 

more startling to their supporters in general that cj^ange in 
they should pursue with unflinching vigour the policy, 
very course of policy for which they had reviled 
Walpole, with exactly the same disregard fdr the feelings of 
the country. Most of Walpole's followers, who were certainly 
implicated in whatever offences he may have committed, re- 
mained in the Cabinet. Pulteney and Sandys now supported 
Hanoverian measures and Hanoverian subsidies in close alliance 



114 Carteret and Pelham, 



with Newcastle and Pelham. Carteret became more strongly 
Hanoverian than even Walpole himself. The result naturally 
was that the hostility to Walpole was transferred to his suc- 
cessors. Pulteney had lost his popularity when he gained his 
peerage. Carteret became more hateful than Walpole had 
been. Pitt now lavished all the flowers of his rhetoric on 
Carteret, and recapitulated his former charges against the 
Government with the same unsparing invective. 

Gradually, too, a schism arose in the ranks of the Ministry 
itself. The two dissimilar elements of which it was composed 
never exactly coalesced with one another. JSTewcastle, Peiham, 
Hardwicke, and Harrington, backed by the strong though secret 
influence of Orford (Walpole), really entered on a struggle for 
/ power with their old rivals, Carteret and Bath 

A house (Pulteney). The Pelhams were actually far the 

^Yhfat strongest. [N'ewcastle's immense influence, which 

itaelf. was based mainly on corruption, enabled him to 

sway at pleasure a large majority in Parliament. 
And though the Hanoverian measures of Carteret gave him an 
almost boundless influence over the king, the Pelhams could 
rely on the strong respect which George still entertained for 
Orford's opinion as a counteracting force. At first, however, 
they cowered beneath the storm which had overthrown the last 
Ministry, and waited till the popular resentment, directed 
against them as its representatives, should have died away. 
Coolly and cautiously they gathered fresh elements of strength 
from each mistake of their rivals, and circumstances played 
steadily into their hand. 

The period during which Carteret managed the foreign aff'airs 
of this country was called the Drunken Administration, partly, 

no doubt, owing to his anti- temperance prin- 
Ministry^ ^^ ciples, but mainly owing to the extraordinarily 

reckless nature of his policy, and the amazing 
frivolity and levity which he displayed in dealing with the 
■ gravest matters. His strength lay in the unusual prominence 
of his own department at this time, and the high favour which 
he acquired with the king in consequence of his readiness to 
go all lengths in his Hanoverian measures. As it happened, 
this foundation was a very unsteady one to build on. Even 
Pitt later on found himself unable to carry on the Government 
without parliamentary influence, though he was supported by 
the voice of the nation. Carteret, on the contrary, was gradually 



Death of Wilmington. 115 



I I I M 



alienating all ; the people by his Hanoverian lAeasures ; New- 
castle by his habitual insolence ; place-hunters in general by his 
steady refusal to deal with such unimportant matters as patron- 
age. It is obvious therefore that a collision between the two 
sections of the Cabinet was imminent as soon as Carteret's 
unpopularity should outweigh the timidity of Newcastle. 

Undoubtedly the nation had considerable cause for their 
growing distrust of Carteret and his party. The latter had 
inveighed with the utmost fury against government by corrup- 
tion ; but they showed themselves only too ready to avail them- 
selves of the power thus acquired. They had clamoured for the 
repeal of the Septennial Act ; but they now had 
the effrontery to speak and vote against a measure ^®^®^^1 ^s- 
to that effect. They had stigmatized with the 
utmost opprobrium the slightest leaning towards Hanover ; but 
now English interests were entirely forgotten in those of 
Hanover ; English money was wasted recklessly for Hanoverian 
objects ; and England truly seemed as though it was considered 
only a province to a despicable Electorate. It was this feeling 
which the Pelham party gradually became the exponent of ; 
and the first trial of strength between the two sections of the 
Cabinet arose on the death of Wilmington, 1 743. 

Carteret proposed his old leader, Bath, as Wilmington's suc- 
cessor. The Pelham party put forward Henry Pelham as their 
representative. Both names were received with equal com- 
placency by the king, who could not have been 
exactly charmed with either. Orford threw all Pelliam be- 
his influence on the side of the latter. Carteret Mi^-g^r'"'^ 
urged the claims of the former. The result was 1743^ ' 
that Henry Pelham became Prime Minister ; and 
from this time Carteret's power in the Cabinet steadily Waned. 
The upset of his Agreement of Hanau and schemes for the 
partitioning of France showed him the mistake he had com- 
mitted in entirely neglecting parliamentary slipport. It was, 
however, too late to rectify it, and the favour of George proved 
a poor defence against the hostility of his col- 
leagues. Before the end of the year 1744 Car- f/ca?terer 
teret was compelled to leave the Ministry, and 
from that time Henry Pelham was supreme. 

The king, however, was for a long time hostile. He really 
had some grounds for discontent. He had been thwarted in 
his German policy, deprived of Carteret, and compelled to 

I 2 



116 Carteret and Pelham. 



accept men whom he hated. He despised JSFewcastle ; hated 

Chesterfield and Pitt, whom Pelham continually 
^f T?^i>."™^^ insisted on including in the Ministry ; ahove aU 
otPelliam. ^^ detested Pitt for his uncomplimentary criti- 
cisms on Hanover. He therefore intrigued against his Ministers 
with Bath and Carteret. The result was that in February, 
1746, while the Jacobite rebellion was' raging in the north, a 
Ministerial crisis took place. The king definitely refused to 
admit Pitt to the Ministry, and made overtures to Carteret and 
Bath. The Ministers thereupon resigned in a body. Bath 
found himself unable to form a Government. The king was 
therefore, to his deep sorrow and disgust, obliged to reaccept 
the Pelhams on their own terms. 

Section 2. — The Jacobite Invasion^ 1745-46. 

Charles Edward Louis Stuart, commonly called the young 
Pretender, or the Chevalier de St. George, was the 

Edward- ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ Pretender, by Clementina 

Maria, granddaughter of John Sobieski, King of 

Poland. He was born at Eome, December 20th, 1720, and 

resided in that city until the outbreak of the war of the Austrian 

Succession seemed to open to him a favourable 
early His- opportunity for recovering the dominions of his 

' ancestors. Of his early life almost nothing is 

known, except that continual reports of his excellence and 
promise reached England at intervals, much to the alarm of the 
Whig Ministry. His education had|,been, however, greatly 
neglected ; and this was attributed to the wiles of Walpole, 
who was supposed to have bribed his tutor. "\^niether this was 
actually true, or was merely owing to the general inclination to 
see the hand of Walpole in almost everything which happened 
in Europe at the time, is of little importance. The fact re- 
mains that even the average school-girl of the present day 
would have been ashamed of the defective writing and spelling 
in which the young hero recorded his hopes and troubles. 

His character was such as befitted a great prince. Kindly, 
generous, humane, courtly, courageous, and enduring; every- 
character. where he was distinguished for his gallantry, 

beloved for his winning manner, surrounded by 
a dazzling halo of popularity. "And when we remember," 
says Mr. Jesse, "the circumstances of his education — that he 



Charles Edward. 117 



had been confided to the charge of priests and higots; and 
moreover that he had been nursed in the lap of luxury, and 
accustomed to the enervating pleasures and habits of a soft and 
luxurious climate, — we can only wonder that there should have 
been generated in such a quarter those powers of endurance, 
and that spirit to act, — those kindly and generous feelings, and 
those clear and excellent abilities which distinguished the gallant 
and warm-hearted prince in the early period of his career, and 
which were displayed by him under circumstances of difficulty 
and danger such as it has been the lot of few besides himself 
to encounter." And yet, in spite of his excellent character, 
his many and varied gifts, and the fewness of his defects, it 
was utterly impossible and undesirable that he should idtimately 
succeed in the desperate enterprise to which he had dedicated 
his life, i rom infancy he had been taught to regard the House 
of Hanover as usurpers ; he had been educated in the lofty 
Stuart theories of prerogative ; he had been brought up in the 
strictest principles of the Eoman Catholic Church. . 

It was therefore natural that he should have the govemmeiit 
same horror of parliamentary government and 
constitutional restrictions, which had been the chief charac- 
teristic of his race ; that he should regard the Bill of Eights 
and the Act of Settlement as so many sacrilegious attacks on 
the majesty of the royal power ; and that he should unflinch- 
ingly look forward to the restoration of the ascendency of the 
Catholic Church, even if he conceded some slight measure of 
toleration to the heretical communions. Circumstances and 
necessity induced him to bend his lofty crest, and assume a 
humbler tone ; but convictions such as these were too firmly 
implanted in his mind not to spring up again with renewed 
vitality when once the pressure of misfortune was removed. 
England, on the other hand, had undoubtedly had quite enough 
of Stuart misrule; though she might at times 
delude herself with romantic visions of " martyred ^^*^^^^? 
kings," and imagine that the heroic, gallant young possible. 
Chevalier would be far preferable to dull, com- 
monplace, beer-drinking George. But England had now passed 
through fifty years of liberty and political development. A 
new generation had sprung up, who were accustomed to use 
their tongues and pens as freely as they pleased on everything 
and everybody, not excepting the king. They bewailed them- 
selves at times. as the most wretched, down-trodden nation in 



118 Carteret and Pelham, 

existence ; but the very violence of their complaints proved the 
enviable freedom of their position. Louis XY. would have 
sent a French Pitt to the Bastille for life. Under James III. 
he would have been lucky if he had escaped with a sojourn in 
the Tower. A new Licensing Act would have soon checked 
the pungent invective which the Craftsman bestowed so liberally 
on the king and Government. The Dissenters would have 
found that the little finger of the Koman Catholic Church was 
thicker than the loins of the Establishment. And so, sooner or 
later, there must have been an explosion — perhaps a mere repe- 
tition of the peaceful Revolution of 1688, perhaps more nearly 
akin to the terrible convulsion of 1792. 

But the enterprise was really hopeless from the very first ; and 
it was only a combination of circumstances which prevented this 
being immediately apparent — produciug in fact a mirage of delu- 
sive prosperity which completely veiled the barren, inhospitable 
sands to which the young prince was really travelling. The 
only part of Scotland on which he could rely was the High- 
lands, and they contained barely a twelfth of the whole popula- 
tion. Moreover, many of the Highland chieftains were bound 
closely to the Whig Government. The Highlanders themselves 
State of the ^^^^ ^^^ exactly the kind of troops which a 
Highlands. general would select for a long and arduous 

campaign. Their courage was undpubted; and 
the irresistible fury with which they were wont to charge the 
enemy had carried them victorious through many a hard-fought 
field. But of the qualities which are perhaps even more im- 
portant to an army than mere animal courage — such as subordi- 
nation, patience, endurance, and single-mindedness — they pos- 
sessed not the slightest vestige. The chiefs acknowledged no 
superior, and were in consequence unwilling to serve under one 
of their own number, even when the latter was fortified by a 
commission from the man whom all acknowledged as their ricrhtful 
king. Disputes were therefore likely to arise between them, 
and the general safety likely to be risked for some petty punc- 
tilio, some unfortunate access of barbarian pride. The personal 
hostility, in fact, between various nobles formed one of the 
chief difficulties of the young Chevalier, and in many cases 
, it was only his great personal address which could have 
restored harmony between such discordant elements. The 
common men, when flushed with success, were almost irresis- 
tible in their determined onset j but they were wholly devoid 



Feeling in England. 119 

of discipline, and their chief object was plunder. They there- 
fore usually dispersed in search of it long before 
the enemy was out of reach ; and in consequence jander? " 
the latter were able in many cases to reform 
themselves undisturbed and even threaten the security of their 
conquerors. Defeat or ill-success entirely demoralized them. 
In a retreat they were liable to become a useless, panic-stricken 
mob, to which the name of army would be very inappropriately 
applied. It followed, therefore, that when once the young 
Chevalier had succeeded in composing the turmoil and discord 
of the Highlands sulSiciently to enable him to raise a respectable 
body of followers, some immediate success was necessary to 
keep them together. Victory must follow hard on the heels of 
victory ; delay was dangerous ; retreat loas simply suicide. 

The Lowlands were distinctly unfavourable. The majority of 
the people — canny, commercial, Presbyterians — hated the Stuarts 
bpth for their religious opinions and their religious persecu- 
tion ; and also because' invasion, war, revolution, must necessarily 
be prejudicial to trade in general and their own pockets in 
particular. The Episcopalians, it is true, had no g^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 
love for the Presbyterians ; but long experience Lowlands, 
had led them to dread the merciless forays of 
the Highlanders with a vivid terror far surpassing the fervour 
of theological antagonism. There was little to be expected 
from the Lowlands, and that little would have to be extracted 
by force. At the same time the cautious nature of th-e Low- 
lander precluded any chance of vigorous resistance as long as 
the invader should be fairly successful. 

In England appearances were extremely deceptive. Pulteney 
and his friends had been accustomed to speak g^^^^ ^^ 
as though England was really sunk in the deepest England, 
gulf of misery and ruin, and that this was due to 
the iniquitous machinations of George and Walpole. If Carteret 
had been the Great Dragon of the Apocalypse maintaining cease- 
less war on the whole human race, Pitt could scarcely have 
added very much to the scathing denunciations which he had 
heaped on him. Hanover had been the subject of more parlia- 
mentary eloquence than even Ireland at the present day. Hon- 
ourable members had not scrupled to describe it as a " despicable 
electorate." Scribblers had suggested a comparison between 
the pale horse of Death and the white charger on the Hanover 
arms. The Tory country gentlemen were still accustomed to 



120 Carteret and Pelham. 

drink to the " king over the water/' and to describe in more or 
less inferior lyrics the political and social millennium which 
would begin when the king should ^' enjoy his own again." Thei 
Oxford students shouted Jacobite songs in the street, and the 
Public Orator of the University introduced into his speech no 
very indistinct allusions to a Stuart Eestoration. The intelligent 
observer, in fact, who is always a very superficial person, would 
have imagined that England was really ripe for rebellion ; and 
that the rising in Scotland would be followed by an enthusiastic 

insurrection spreading all over England. But 
siffns de- ^^ ^ matter of fact nothing of the kind took 

ceptive. place. There was not even so much enthusiasm 

as in 1715.. No attemjDt was made to arrange 
any plan among the English Jacobites. Hardly any of them 
moved in the slightest during the Rebellion. Very little sym- 
pathy was shown with the cause of the young Chevalier. 
The Jacobites in the London taverns were no doubt in great 
excitement, and drained many a cup to the health of their 
champion. London, however, as a whole, and the London mob, 
had become converted to Whiggism. Many Tories were more 
willing to make the best of a foreign king who had ruled quite 
respectably than to risk their liberties under an incapable bigot 
like James. Their habits of drinking clashed with their politics. 
They toasted the *' king over the water," but they had no desire 
to see him this side of the Channel. Pitt, Pulteney, and 
Chesterfield, had been mainly inspired by the spite of disap- 
pointed place-hunters. Their mouths were shut and their minds 
converted by the soothing prospect of office. Shebbeare might 
have explained the virulence of his pamphlet by the simple 
fact that so long as abuse is eagerly read by the multitude, so 
long will the writers be found ready to concoct it. 

At the same time the mass of the people displayed extra- 
ordinary apathy during the Eebellion. They did not move for 
Xing James, it is true ; but then no more did they for King 
George. They seem rather to have watched the struggle as 
though it really did not concern them, and as though they were 
indifferent as to the result. The explanation of this was that 
Real apathy ^^^^ Revolution had not been at all a popular 
of tlie people. i^ovement. It had been mainly the work of a 

number of Yorkshire noblemen and gentlemen. 
It had not transferred power to the people but to the Parlia- 
ment; and Parliament was not in any sense a representative 



Little chance of Success. 121 



body, nor was it in any way controlled by the people. The people 
therefore did not realize the blessings of the " glorious Kevolu- 
tion of 1688." They found that they were taxed all the same ; 
and to individuals totally ignorant of constitutional law it did 
not make any very striking difference whether their hard-earned 
money was extracted by the king or the Parliament. The result 
was very much the same to them in the long run. The people, 
moreover, knew very little of the governing body at all. They 
were rarely consulted on policy, except when the Opposition 
occasionally desired to arouse a tempest against the Government ; 
and then the language of the orators was scarcely calculated to 
inspire any very great accession of loyalty. The people there- 
fore, through sheer ignorance, did not really care at all. The 
class which had gained most by the Eevolution was the middle 
class, and they are always the most difficult to move to action. 

It was not therefore singular that when the people were in- 
different, and the class which were really interested in the 
question were thoroughly apathetic, the Jacobites should be 
able by sheer noisiness to cover their real weak- 
ness and insincerity. At the same time there ^H^^^^^ 
seems not the sligbtest doubt that this sluggish 
mass would have been speedily startled into sudden resistance 
had they once felt the unaccustomed pressure of Stuart mis- 
government. 

It was in 1743 that Charles Edward first left Eome on an 
invitation from the Court of Versailles to join an expedition 
under Marshal Saxe which was intended for the invasion of 
England. The expedition was a total failure, and Charles had 
to spend many weary months at Paris vain'ly striving to pierce 
the duU ears of the Erench Government by importunate appeals 
for aid. I^or diti he meet with any very great encouragement 
from Scotland. The Highland chieftains warned him that it 
would be utterly useless to cross unless he came attended by 
6000 Erench soldiers. At last, almost hopeless, yet hoping 
against hope, he determined to risk all on a single cast of the 
die, and, with what arms and munitions of war 
he could collect, set sail for the promised land pretender ^^^ 
in a little brig called La Doutelle. He was 
accompanied by the Marquis of Tullibardine, who had been 
attainted in 1715, Sir Thomas Sheridan, his own tutor, 
Sir John Macdonald, Mr. Kelly, a clergyman, Mr. O'Sullivan, 
an Irish officer in the Erench army, Mr. Erancis Strickland, 



122 Carteret and Pelham, 



and Mr. ^neas Macdonald, a banker in Paris and brother of 
Macdonald of Kinloch Moidart. After running the gauntlet 
of the English fleet, the forlorn hope of the Stuarts landed 
in one of the numerous islets of the western coast of Scot- 
land. At first he was received with great hesitation by the 
heads of the Clan Macdonald; but the extraordinary fasci- 
nation which he exercised over all who came in contact with 
him soon produced an outburst of loyalty and enthusiasm. 
The Macdonalds of Clanranald and Kinloch Moidart joined him 
with all their followers. Cameron of Lochiel came with a 
doubting heart, but submitted at last to the persuasive eloquence 

of the prince. Macdonald of Keppoch, Macdonald 
his first fol- ^^ Glengarry, Murray of Broughton, and other 
lowers. chieftains soon came flocking in. But the head //i/iV- 

of the Macleods and the head of the Macdonalds stood sullenly 
aloof — not from any love of the House of Han'over, but from 
fear of a disastrous termination to the gallant attempt. The 
northern clans also remained strictly neutral owing to the m- 
fluence of Duncan Forbes, Lord President. Lord Lovat and 
the Frasers followed their example. 

When therefore, after a preliminary skirmish with the 
English troops near Fort William, — an isolated military station 
at the southern end of the great valley through which the 
Caledonian Canal now runs, — the royal standard was raised 
with all ceremony in the lonely vale of Glenfinnan, August 
19th, Charles found that he must rely for the present on the 
western clans, and trust to success and his good star to bring 
him reinforcements later on. The fortune of war set steadily 
in his favour. Extraordinary to relate, the authorities at 

Edinburgh did not hear of his arrival tiU 
Se^^^uthV^ three weeks after the event, though it was 
rities. known almost directly to the Ministry in Eng- 

land. Unfortunately, too, Sir John Cope, the 
English commander in Scotland, was a man whose gallantry : 
was undoubted, but who was afraid of the responsibility vested 
in him. He rarely acted without a council of war, and in 
consequence he rarely acted decisively, and he often acted 
foolishly. He determined to march to the Highlands and 
crush the rebellion at once. This was in itself a thorough i 
mistake. The country was extremely difficult for troops, and 
was either unfavourable or openly hostile. He had therefore 
to carry with him all his supplies. He ought to have beset the 



March to Edinburgh, 123 

line of the Forth River and shut the rebellion up in the High- 
lands, where it would soon have exhausted itself. As it was, 
he marched north towards Inverness. But instead of at once 
attacking the Highlanders and endeavouring to crush them, he 
stood aside and allowed them to pass him and push on through 
the celebrated Pass of Killiecrankie to Perth. Therefore, 
while Cope was fondly pluming himself on the ^ , .^^ 
idea that it was only his brilliant conduct which Edinburgh, 
had preserved the northern clans in their allegi- 
ance, James III. was proclaimed at Perth King of Great Britain, 
and the Perth ladies donned their gayest dresses to dance with 
the yoimg Chevalier. At Perth the prince was joined by several 
valuable adherents. Lord OgUvie, son of the Earl of Airlie, 
and his retainers ; the Robertsons of Struan, Blairfitty, and 
Cushievale ; and a large body of the men of Athole and Perth 
came trooping in to the standard. But the most valuable ac- 
quisition was Lord George Murray, the younger brother of the 
Duke of Athole, who was far the ablest of the Jacobite leaders. 
The march to Edinburgh resembled the flow of a river 
which is fed by intiumerable tributaries all along its course. 
Macdonald of Glencoe, Macgregor of Glengyle, Lord Kilmarnock, 
and many others brought fresh accessions of strength to the 
Jacobite cause. Five days after the proclamation at Perth the 
dragoons of Gardiner, who had marched out of Edinburgh 
scoffing at the bare-legged rebels, ran away almost without 
striking a blow, and the road was open to the capital. Within 
all was indecision. The provost and magistrates would have 
defended the town, but their hands were forced by the inhabi- 
tants. On the 10th of June, James III. was proclaimed at the 
Cross of Edinburgh amid the blare of trumpets and the shouts 
of the knted Highlanders. The majority of the citizens were 
excited to the utmost enthusiasm, and, though a small minority 
of loyalists preserved a stubborn silence, the air j^^^g ^^ 
was rent with the acclamations of the fickle mob. Preston Pans. 
'Five days later the Highland army attacked and 
utterly routed Sir John Cope at Preston Pans, just south- 
west of Edinburgh. The general had come south by water ; 
and with an army hastily levied, and including the remnants of 
Gardiner's courageous dragoons, endeavoured to block the road 
to England. The dragoons behaved with their usual unac- 
countable cowardice; the terrible rush of the Highlanders 
carried the English artillery by sfcorm ; and a general sauve qui 



124 Carteret and Pelham. 



pent followed. Cope himself rode off with such despatch that 
he earned the singular distinction of being the first general 
who had ever brought home the news of his own defeat. 

The road to England was now open ; and had Charles ad- 
vanced at once, he would have found himself almost unopposed. 
The apathy of the country was such that, when he did enter 
England, men made up pleasure parties to see the Jacobites 
"march past." Marshal Wade was at JSTewcastle with a few 
troops ; but the majority of the English army was still in 
Elanders, and, with the exception of the Eoyal Guards, and the 
trained bands, materials for an effective resistance were really 

totally wanting. Charles himself ardently de- 
Charles sired to follow up his success at Preston Pans. 
Edward at tt- n n ^ -n- £ 
Edinburgh. -"-^^ followers, however, were unwilling ; many of 

the Highland chiefs had not yet come in ; and 
he hoped to receive in a short time munitions and troops from 
France, which would have contributed greatly to the success of 
the adventure. He therefore remained at Holyrood the darling 
of the Highlanders, the hero of the ladies. " He missed no 
opportunity of flattering the prejudices of the Scottish people," 
says Mr. Jesse, " and rendering himself the object of their love. 
He was either delighted, or pretended to be, with everything 
national in or peculiar to Scotland. At the balls at Holyrood 
he was careful to call alternately for Highland and Lowland 
tunes, taking care to give no particular preference to either. 
He accommodated himself indifferently to all ages and to all 
-ranks. He could be gallant with the fair, lively with the 
young, and grave with the old. At one hour of the day he 
was seen conversing familiarly with the humblest of his High- 
land followers in his camp at Duddingstoun ; at another he 
was engaged in deliberating in solemn council with his officers ; 
and at night he Avas seen leading the dance, and dallying with 
the fair dames of Edinburgh in the old halls of Holyrood." 

Eut while Charles was winning golden opinions at Edin- 
burgh, the tide was rapidly turning against him in England. 

Wade had increased his army at Newcastle to 

troSi^iT 1^'^^^ ^^^- The Duke of Cumberland had 

England. formed another military centre in the Midland 

Counties, to which the Dutch and English troops 
were marched up as fast as they arrived from Flanders. A 
great camp was erected at Finchley to defend the capital, and 
there the trained bands of London and the Eoyal Guards took 



March to Derb\K 125 

up their quarter^. In many counties the militia was called out, 
and new regiments promised, at their own expense, by several 
noblemen. Parliament voted liberal supplies, and consented to 
the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. At the same time 
there is not the slightest doubt that only the regular troops 
could be depended upon for regular fighting, and that the 
people would not move at all for either party. The Jacobites 
were now masters of the greater portion of Scotland, with the 
exception of the extreme north, the Highland forts, and the 
Castles of Edinburgh and Stirling. Keinforcements kept con- 
tinually pouring in. Gordon of Glenbucket, Macpherson of 
Cluny, Lord Louis Gordon, Lord Balmerino, Lord Pitsligo 
(supposed to be the wisest man in all Scotland), and many 
others came down from their ancestral glens with all their 
vassals in their train. Macleod, however, Sir Alexander Mac- 
donald, and Lord Lovat, stiU held obstinately aloof, though the 
latter sent his son with some of the Erasers, hoping to keep in 
thereby with both parties. There is not the slightest doubt 
that the defection of these leaders turned the scale against the 
Jacobite cause. Charles, however, saw that the only way to 
retain Scotland was to invade England. Having therefore col- 
lected a considerable store of provisions and munitions of war, 
and received considerable accessions to his army, he overruled 
the captious objections of his chieftains j and in a short time 
the rebel army was rolling steadily towards the Border. 

The necessity of turning Wade's position at Newcastle com- 
pelled them to take the old ill-omened road 
which ran by Solway Moss and Preston. On 
the 15th of November they reached Carlisle. The 24th brought 
them to Lancaster. By the 28th they were at Manchester, 
where they picked up a few reinforcements. On the 4th of 
December they entered Derby, in numbers about 7000 men. 

There was nothing now between them and London but the 
camp at Einchley, for they had eluded both the armies of Wade 
and Cumberland. If they had marched steadily onwards they 
might have been successful; for their advance might have 
encouraged the English Jacobites to rise and changed the 
general feeling in their favour. As it was, the _ . . 
news of the advance to Derby filled London with ^q^^^!^ 
the wildest panic. The shops were shut; all 
business suspended; the king made every preparation for re- 
turning to Hanover. The Bank of England only escaped bank-. 



126 k , Carteret and Pelham, 



ruptcy by paying in sixpences. The Duke of JN'ewcastle, it Is 
even asserted, thouglit seriously of declaring for the Pretender. 
Long afterwards the day on which the terrible news came in 
was remembered as the Black Friday. 

Then amid the tumult and confusion, a post came riding 
in hot haste from the ]^orth with the glad tidings that the 
Jacobite army had broken up, and were now in full retreat 
-,. for the Eorder. The anxiety which had been 

felt in London may be measured by the wild 
joy which prevailed when the welcome intelligence flashed 
from lip to lip through the length and breadth of the city. 
Fireworks and illuminations blazed from every coign of vantage. 
The king gladly postponed his flight to Hanover. 

The retreat, however, had not been accompKshed without 
violent dissensions among the Jacobite leaders. Lord Georg6 
Murray and the principal Scotch commanders appear to have 
considered it impossible that ''hey should be ultimately suc- 
cessful. They might by a rapid march enter and overawe 
London. But the armies of Wade and Cumberland were behiild 
them, and amounted to 30,000 men. Sooner or later it must 
come to a battle, and to contend with such an overwhelming 
,' force seemed utterly hopeless. The slightest check on the road 
to London might compel them to fight under every disadvan- 
tage. Defeat would mean ruin, not merely to the 
retreat. individuals engaged, but to the whole Jacobite 

cause. The people, it was true, might rise if 
they were victorious ; but it was by no means certain, and 
experience had as yet given little encouragement to the antici*- 
pation. It would be- better to evacuate England and confine 
their exertions to Scotland. Defended by the strong and loyal 
arms of the Highlanders, Scotland would once more be free and 
independent under the descendant of her ancient kings. With 
these arguments therefore they assailed the unwilling ears of 
the prince, and announced their intention of retiring at once to 
their own country. The unfortunate young man was thunder- 
struck at the unwelcome intelligence. He saw more clearly 
than they did the true efl'ect of this measure. It meant the 
nan of all his hopes. The promised kingdom faded faintly 
away before his eyes like the baseless fabric of a vision. He 
knew well that, with such an army as his, retreat would be fatal. 
The Highlanders, so irresistible in the charge, would become 
demoralized. The legions of Wade and Cumberland would 



Defeat of the Rebels. ' 127 



close steadily round them, and drive them back like sheep to 
their native glens, marking the way with corpses. Murray and 
the rest were, however, determined, and so, with rage and 
dfespair gnawing his heart, the prince was obliged to submit. 

On the 6th of December the insurgents began their retreat. 
On the 19 th, after a slight skirmish with Cumberland's ad- 
vanced guard, they entered Carlisle. On the 20th they re- 
crossed the Border, and in January the London prisons were 
full of rebels captured at Carlisle. The Scotch 
marched rapidly on to Glasgow, and thence to "'■ 
besiege Stirling, followed closely by General Hawley — a fero- 
cious officer, who was nicknamed the "Lord Chief Justice" on 
account of his brutality. His contempt for the rebels was so 
great that he did not even take the ordinary precautions of war, 
but allowed himself to be surprised and tho- 
roughly routed at Falkirk, January 17th, 1746 ; ^amrk^ 
and once more a thrill of dismay ran through ^^^ ^l 'i746 
the heart of London. 

Dissensions, however, of the most violent kind had broken 
out among the Jacobites. During the retreat Charles had held 
himself considerably aloof from his followers. He usually rode 
at the rear of the army. He had lost his careless, gallant, 

fascinating demeanour, and become morose and ^. 
JJJ.JTT -J SI -i? Dissensions, 

dejected. He received a few more reinforce- 
ments on entering Scotland ; but he quarrelled with the chiefs 
on almost every point of policy, and in many cases put himself 
distinctly in the wrong from a mistaken sense of the obligations 
of honour. After a vain attempt at besieging Stirling, the 
army broke up into two divisions, and marched north towards 
Inverness, hoping to be joined by the northern clans and some 
, French reinforcements. 

The English Government, however, were now labouring 
zealously to end the Eebellion. The English fleet hung off the 
coast, and effectually prevented the arrival of any French ships 
with troops or provisions ; while at the same time every kind 
of stores could easily be landed for the benefit of the English 
army. Cumberland had been sent to supersede Hawley after 
the defeat of Falkirk ; and he followed up the pursuit with 
sleuth-hound tenacity. After a few indecisive skirmishes, the 
insurgents at last turned at bay on CuUoden Battle of 
Heath, April 16th, 1746, and a desperate battle CuUoden, 
took place. The Highlanders fought with their April 16. 



128 Carteret and Pelham. 

usual courage and ferocity ; but their liopes were entirely 
ruined by the mutinous conduct of the Macdonalds, who, 
furious at being denied the place of honour, refused to charge 
the enemy, even though they saw Macdonald of Keppoch cut 
down before their very eyes. *^ My God, have the children of 
my tribe deserted me % '' cried the dying chieftain, as the tide 
of war rolled hotly over him, and flung back the stubborn Mac- 
donalds disgraced and broken into dishonourable flight. The 
game was really up, and the more prudent leaders forced Charles 
to fly. After unheard-of adventures and hair-breadth escapes, 
he succeeded in reaching the Western Isles, where he skulked 
for some time in every kind of disguise. His final escape was 
entirely due to the devotion of the celebrated Flora Macdonald, 
who brought him safely through his enemies, dressed as a lady's- 
maid, to Loch-na-]N'uagh, where, accompanied by Lochiel and 
several of his followers, he took ship for France. Thus ended 
the last of the Civil Wars. 

Victory was followed by vengeance, and that of the utmost 
brutality. Cumberland disgraced both himself and his country 
by the atrocious cruelty with which he treated the vanquished 
rebels and the conquered districts. Every kind of lawless 
violence was perpetrated. The flying and unresisting High- 
Mil' ta V landers were pistolled in cold blood by their 
cruelUes. remorseless pursuers. The wounded were left 

to die on the field amid the corpses of their com- 
panions. The pale figures of half-starved women and children 
were seen flitting like shadows among the holes and caves 
of the rocks j their husbands and brothers had been murdered, 
their homes burnt to the ground, they were dying a lingering . 
death of starvation and cold. It is even asserted that at Fort 
Augustus the troops collected a number of young women, 
stripped them naked, set them astride on horses, and with, 
blows and shouts of laughter compelled the unfortunate creatures 
to ride races for their amusement. General Hawley was fore- 
most in every cruelty ; his brutal nature rejoiced in such con- 
genial employment. Cumberland had undoubtedly earned the 
title of "Saviour of his country; "but popular opinion fixed. 

on him the unenviable nickname of "the Butcher." 

The merciless inhumanities of military license were followed 
by more justifiable legal severities. The Earls of Cromartie and 
Kilmarnock, Lord Balmerino, Lord Lovat, and Colonel Townley, 

—who had defended Carlisle against Cumberland— were 



End of the Stuarts, 129 



executed with all the barbarities characteristic of the punish- 
ment for high treason at the time. Many of 
the common prisoners died in their unwholesome re^mresgion 
dungeons. Some were shipped off to slavery at 
Barbadoes. In a few weeks, however, a general Act of In- 
demnity, with some exceptions, was passed, and was followed 
by various measures for securing peace in the Highlands, and 
destroying the feudal power of the chiefs. Laws were issued, 
forbidding the Highland dress to be worn ; ordering the sur- 
render of all arms ; and depriving the chiefs of their rights 
of jurisdiction over the clans, which were vested in regular 
tribunals. A more decided impulse in favour of peace and 
loyalty was given by the enlistment later on of several regi- 
ments of Highlanders during the Seven Years' War. Thus 
these semi-barbarians were taught to use their strength and 
endurance in the defence of that very Government which they 
had so long hated and despised as alien and tyrannical. 

The saddest part of this pathetic story remains yet to be 
told — the last scenes in the life of the Young Pretender. The 
Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle stipulated that he should be no longer 
allowed to reside in France. He refused, however, to withdraw 
on the invitation of the French Government. The latter there- 
fore had him seized by force, bound hand and foot, hurried off 
in a coach and six, and deposited carefully out- p ^ ^ 
side the frontier, where he was left to his own charles 
devices. From this time his noble, generous 
nature gradually deteriorated. He became attached to a Miss 
Walkenshaw, who acquired an extraordinary influence over 
him. His marriage was unhappy, and ended shortly in a 
separation, after which he returned to Miss Walkenshaw with 
renewed affection. He became the slave of intoxication, which 
gradually robbed his mind of its brilliance, his character of its 
nobleness ; until at last we find him in his premature and dis- 
honoured old age a besotted drunkard, a peevish husband, a 
tyrannical master — his understanding debased, and his temper 
soured. How different to the gallant courtly host of Holyrood, 
the daring hero of Preston Pans. He died January 30th, 1788, 
leaving one illegitimate daughter by Miss Walkenshaw. 

His brother, Henry, experienced yet more extraordinary 
vicissitudes of fortune. Having become a cardinal, and thereby 
ruined his hopes of ever succeeding to the British throne, he 
was eventually forced by the outbreak of the French Kevolu- 



130- Carteret and Pelham, 



tion to take refuge in England. There the Ministry provided 

this venerable pillar of the Church with an 
StuartV^^ ample pension. He died in 1807, certainly the 

most irreproachable of his line. The remains of 
his father, himself, and his brother, rest in St. Peter's at Eome 
under a magnificent monument raised by the munificence of George 
IV, On it is carved an inscription full of touching irony to 
the memory of James III., Charles III., and Henry IX., Kings 
of England. The most practical and prosaic of this common- 
place generation may well feel their eyes grow dim with 
unaccustomed moisture at the sight of this lonely memorial 
of wasted lives and fruitless aspirations. 

Section 3. — Ministry of Pelham, 1744-54. 

Though he was the heir of Walpole's policy, Pelham's views 
were in many points the exact opposite to those of his former 
chief. Walpole had despised the opposition of all the greatest 
men of the time — nay, deliberately provoked it — provided he \ 
could ensure the most thorough discipline in his own camp. 
Pelham, on the contrary — a nervous, cautious, mediocre man — 
Pelham and <^^ea<i<5<i ^^^ chance of any opposition to his 
Walpole. Government, and did his best to conciliate all 

. ' parties by including as many as possible of their 

leading men among the ranks of his place-holders. His Ministry 
therefore was called the Broad-Bottomed Ministry. This 
* policy was strongly objected to by George, who found that 
Pelham's Pelham wished to force on him all the men who 

policy. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ active in criticizing the measures 

of Walpole and Carteret, and showering objur- 
gations on Hanover and all connected with it. To Pelham it 
only seemed natural* that the more violent the opposition of any 
particular man had been, the greater should be his own eager- 
ness to extinguish such a firebrand for the future by the soothing ' 
influence of office. To George, on the contrary, it seemed \ 
offering a direct premium to opposition in the future if it was 
to be rewarded in this way. Pelham, however, knew what ho 
was about. He did not intend to silence the clamour of a 
single tongue merely by the doubtful medium of a bribe. 
That would have been nothing more than an encouragement to 
others to pursue the same path. As Walpole would have said, 
that would have created fifty Patriots in a night. Pelham in- 



Broad-Bottomed Ministry. 131 



tended to bribe all the leaders of the Opposition to silence and 
■ then he knew he would be secure for the future. 

The result was that his Ministry presented a very motley 
appearance. The representatives of the old Walpole party 
were Pelham himself, his brother JSTewcastle, Lord Hardwicke, 
and Lord Harrington ; the three first retaining their places, and 
the latter succeeding Carteret as Secretary of State. The Duke 
of Devonshire, Walpole's consistent friend, was created Lord 
Steward. Pitt, Chesterfield, Lyttelton, and 
Grenville, on the contrary, were Whigs of the The Broad- 
Opposition ; -Pitt in 1 746 became Vice-Treasurer ^llis^^^^ 
of Ireland, and later Paymaster of the Forces ; 
Chesterfield was made Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and in 1746 
succeeded Harrington as Secretary of State ; a lordship of the 
Treasury was conferred on Lyttelton ; Grenville was put into 
the Admiralty. Henry Pox, who may be considered as repre- 
senting the young and rising men of the G-overnment Whigs, 
was appointed Secretary at War in 1746. The Tory, Lord 
Gower, was made Lord Privy Seal. The Jacobite, Sir John 
Hynde Cotton, was given the post of Treasurer of the Chamber 
till his death in 1746. The ministry also included the Dukes 
of Bedford and Grafton, Lord Sandwich, and many others. 
The result of this was almost entirely to suppress any opposi- 
tion, except the scattered remnants of the old party which 
stiU clung round the Prince of Wales and Bubb Dodington. 
This, however, was very scanty and disorganized ; and' it was 
well known that Dodington himself could be conciliated at any 
time by the peerage he so ardently craved for. Moreover, on 
the death of the prince in 1751, the princess, a very sensible 
woman, determined to put an end to the unnatural hostilities 
which had always existed between the Hanoverian kings and 
their heirs-apparent. She therefore drew over her party to the 
side of the Court and Government, and all opposition ceased. 
Evea Granville in that year joined the Ministry as President 
of the Council. Thus the debates in Parliament became 
gradually more and more uninteresting. There was hardly any 
criticism at all on important matters. The unimportant ones 
naturally provoked none. The business of the country there- 
fore proceeded with a smoothness never known before or after. 
It must at the same time be confessed that extremely little 
was done. In this Pelham imitated Walpole. Any attempts 
at very sweeping legislation must have produced a ferment ift 

k2 



132 Carteret and Felham. 



the country, and disruption of the Ministry. Such coalitions, 
in fact, can only exist at a period when by mutual consent 

all burning questions are being slurred over. As 
difficuUies ^^ ^^^ Pelhani found at times that obstacles of 

all sorts bestrewed the road oyer which he hoped 
to drive so smoothly. First, the king had the strongest objec- 
tion to admitting Pitt and Chesterfield at all. "When this diffi- 
culty had been removed, George insisted that they should not 
be given any office which would bring them into personal inter- 
course with himself . The crisis of 1746, however, settled these 
questions definitely ; and when Pelham returned once more to 
power, he did so with full authority to dispose of places at 
will. The result was to complete the change which Walpole 
had initiated in the relations of parties. Bolingbroke and 
Tulteney had been obliged to unite the most dissimilar elements, 
Whigs,. Tories, Jacobites, in opposition to Walpole. Pelham 
built up his Coalition Ministry out of exactly the same materials. 
This made it only more obvious that the true meaning of party 
names and cries had entirely disappeared, and that the country 
was really passing through a transition period, when there were 
really no parties at all in the proper sense of the word, though 
personal and sectional enmities abounded. It was this total 
obliteration of all the old lines of party demarcation which 
facilitated the growth of a new Tory party, and a new Whig 
party in the next reign. 

Pelham himself was a nervous, desponding, fretful little man, 
p ., , without much energy of intellect or character. 

character. ^^ ^^® same time he was endowed with a very 

considerable amount of common sense, a great 
capacity for the management of business, and a thorough' know- 
ledge of finance. He was in no way qualified to shine as a 
War Minister ; but he had profound parliamentary experience, 
and he really appeared to advantage when dealing with the 
business which fell to him as Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
At the same time he was more useful and business-like than 
impressive ; more likely to be respected by his contemporaries 
than reverenced by posterity. He was eminently suited to his 
time. No man of great talents could have endured to fill the 
chief post with such a slender measure of power ; to be com- 
pelled to do so little, and to grant so much. Pelham had just 
the cautious, decorous mediocrity of character which enabled 
liim to arrange such an uncomfortable couch for himself, and 



'' Foreign Policy, 133 

successfully keep his seat on it. At the same time there is 
no doubt that he suffered considerably by having such a brother 
as Newcastle. The defects of the latter were reflected on the 
former; the fussy importance of the Secretary obscured the 
sterling good qualities of the Prime Minister. 

Though Carteret had really been driven from office on the 
Hanoverian question, there was little change made in foreign 
policy by his successor. Pelham was satisfied with invariably 
advancing British interests instead of those of Hanover as the 
motive of action. He maintained the army in Flanders, but at 
the same time he carried on the naval war with vigour and success. 
He kept also a more careful account of the subsidies paid to 
Marie Therese, and even went so far as to deduct numerous 
items of her bill for troops, on the ground that 
they had never been supplied at all. This cer- fiJ^^^^^^^i^ 
tainly showed an accurate and financial mind, foreign policy, 
and served as a set-off against the large sums 
expended on German battalions as a whole ; biit it caused con- 
siderable ill-feeling between England and Austria. However, in 
spite of this inconsistency, his policy met with little or no 
criticism. On the contrary, all the talent of England was 
employed in defending it, and asserting that by subsidizing 
Germans they were really maintaining ' the war against France 
in the most effective manner, and carrying out the true interests 
of the nation. Pitt, with all the ardour of a convert, advocated 
the very policy which he had previously condemned. At the 
same time it must be confessed that there was a great difference 
between the principle of subsidizing troops to attack the French 
in the Netherlands while the English fleet carried on the war at 
sea, and that of lavishing huge sums of money solely in order to 
advance the interests of Hanover in Germany. The change in 
principle, in fact, was everything. 

ITie Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, which ended the Austrian 
Succession War, was extremely unpopular in Eng- 
land. First of all, because we restored Gape Breton \^^^^^-^l^' 
to the French without receiving any real compensa- ^y^g * 

tion. Secondly, because we gave hostages for its 
return. Thirdly, because there was absolutely no mention of 
the right of search on which the war had originally begun with 
Spain. At the same time there is not the slightest doubt that 
peace had become necessary to both England and Holland. It 
was not likely that Spain would consent to give up the right of 



134 Carteret and Pelham. 



search, for it would have meant the total abnegation of all power 
over the commerce of her colonies. Had we therefore insisted 
on this point the treaty must have fallen through. England; 
however, had obtained the supremacy of the seas in consequence 
of her great successes during the war. It would therefore he 
impossible for the Spaniards to continue their outrages on 
English sailors. As it happened, Spain was at this time 
friendly; there was every reasoii therefore for not needlessly 
wounding the susceptibility of that haughty nation. Under 
these circumstances the question could be easily dropped, for it 
was practically settled in favour of England. 

An important consequence of the termination of the war was 

an extension given to our colonial system by the 
H^lif^^''^^^ settlement of 4000 disbanded soldiers in Nova 

Scotia, where they built the town of Halifax, 
which gradually became the most important settlement in the 
colony. 

The strength of Pelham's Ministry enabled him to carry a 
measure which excited strong opposition. This was the reduc- 
-_ . . tion of the interest on the National Debt. Under 

Debt 1749. William III. the Government had been only able 

to borrow money at 8 per cent. This was 
reduced under Anne to 6 ; and, again, in the reign of George I. 
to 5 and i ; Pelham, in 1749, made an arrangement with the 
Government creditors which practically lowered the rate of in- 
terest to 3 per cent. 

The death of the Prince of Wales, 1751, and the minority of 
Prince George, rendered it necessary to provide for a possible 
regency. The complete reconciliation between the Court and 
the princess was shown by the provisions of the Bill, which 
were to the effect that the princess should bo guardian of the 
prince's person and Eegent of the kingdom, but in the latter 
capacity acting under the advice of a council headed by the 
Duke of Cumberland. 

The most important and successful measure of the Ministry 
was the alteration of the Calendar from Old to New Style. The 
errors of the Old Style had been originally corrected by Gre- 
gory XIIL His reformed Calendar had been adopted by most 

of the nations of Europe. England, however, 
^^rcalenda^ long held out on the ground that it was a Popish, 
Yl^l^ * invention. The absurdity of this was easily 

exposed by Lord Chesterfield, who brought in a 



*' Chaplains of the Fleet. ^^ 135 

measure for the Eeform of the Calendar. His Bill proposed 
that the year should for the future begin on January 1st instead 
of March 25th ; and that in order to correct the error, eleven 
nominal days should be omitted after September 2nd, 1752, so 
that the day following it should be called September 14th 
instead of September 3rd. The old pay-days, however, were 
to be retained for the sake of convenience. This measure was 
at once necessary and salutary ; and yet so unreasonable are the 
mob that at the next election one of the chief cries of the Oppo- 
sition was, " Give us back our eleven days." 

In 1753 Lord Hardwicke's Marriage Act removed a great deal 
of disreputable romance from the social system. 
The old marriage law practically amounted to I-ord Hard- 
this, — the mere consent of the parties followed Marriage 
by cohabitation constituted a good marriage for Act, 1763. 
some purposes. Moreover, a legal marriage could 
be celebrated by a priest at any time and any place without any 
necessity for registration, or even the consent of parents or 
guardians. Naturally abuses of the most infamous type had 
sprung up. Among them were the famous " Meet Marriages." 
Fleet parsons were disreputable clergymen who were willing to 
unite any couple without license or question, without perhaps 
even knowing their names, provided the fee war. duly paid. 
The name arose from the fact that the Fleet prison was the 
great resort of these worthy ecclesiastics. Not that their efforts 
were confined to this favoured precinct alone. On the contrary, 
almost every tavern rejoiced in the presence of a Fleet parson 
who openly touted for customers among the passers-by. The 
evils which were the result of this system were very great. 
Heirs and heiresses were carried off and married without the 
consent of their guardians. Young men out on the spree, and 
under the influence of intoxication, were entrapped into these 
dens and induced to go through the ceremony of marriage with 
some abandoned woman. The private registers of these parsons 
gave extraordinary revelations with regard to the large sums 
taken daily for the performance of these marriages. Lord Hard- 
wicke therefore brought forward a Bill which provided that for 
the future, in order to enable a marriage to be celebrated, banns 
must be asked in the parish church for three successive Sundays 
preceding, or else that a special license must be obtained at a 
heavy fee from the archbishop. The marriage itself must be 
celebrated in the parish church. In order to give the clergyman 



136 Carteret and Felham. 

a decided interest in observing the law, it was ordained that 
any person who solemnized a marriage without these formalities ' T ' 
should be liable to seven years' penal servitude. The Eill 
became law, and established the entirely new principle that 
marriage was a legal and not a purely theological institution. 

In the same year a Bill for the naturalization of the Jews was 
passed, but it provoked so much opposition that it was repealed 
in the next session. 

The next year saw the death of Henry Pelham himself, and the 

total break up of the heterogeneous Cabinet which 

Pelham 1754 ^^ ^^^ ^^ \oi[ig held together. "iN'ow I shall 

have no more peace," said George with consider- 
able foresight which was justified by the event. The Ministry 
became totally unmanageable in the hands of Newcastle. A 
period of bitter sectional and personal quarrels succeeded the 
peaceful era of Pelham. 



> .' 



The Church. 137 



..^^y^ifeii-. 



''X-'^'-': 



CHAPTEE III. 

THE CHURCH. 

Section 1. — The Church of England, 

The period of the first two Hanoverian kings was remarkable 
for a general decline of the religious enthusiasm which had 
been such a marked characteristic of the reign of Anne. Very- 
little interest was taken in religious questions at 
all ; and in consequence even the growth of ^^9^^^® ^ 
scepticism proceeded extremely slowly, owing to feeling, 
the total decadence of the theological spirit. The 
most conclusive evidence of this is the facility with which 
Walpole was able to deprive and banish Atterbury, the most 
brilliant and popular Churchman of his time, for the conspiracy 
of 1722. Very little excitement was aroused on the subject ; 
and though attempts were made to stir up sympathies for him, 
they all signally failed. The rise of the Bangorian Controversy 
at first indeed seemed to presage a fresh outbreak of religious 
tumults. Hoadley, Bishop of Bangor, in a sermon on " The 
kingdom of Christ," maintained doctrines wholly subversive of 
the tenets of the High Church party. He was attacked with 
great bitterness and acrimony in consequence by the Lower 
House of Convocation ; and the Ministry considered it advisable 
to end the ridiculous and unseemly exhibition by proroguing 
Convocation. This sweeping measure was received with the 
most perfect coolness by the country at large. No one really 
seemed to care ; and the practical abolition of Convocation was 
effected with the greatest ease, 1717. 

England was, in fact, rapidly becoming Latitudinarian, or 
Low Church; and the enthusiasm for High _ . . 
Church doctrines was slowly but surely dying narianism 
away. The Court steadily encouraged Lati- 



138 The Church, 



tudinarianism, and persistently appointed Latitudinarians to 
the principal sees. Their protection and encouragement was ex- 
tended to Hoadley, and the strongest expression of the favour 
of the Government towards his views lay in their treatment of 
Convocation. The people in consequence turned towards Lati- 
tudinarianism, and the High Church party steadily diminished 
in importance. 

Undoubtedly this .development was facilitated by the taint 

of Jacobitism which hung around the supporters 
Jacobitism ^f High Church views. Many clergymen were 

Churchmen. engaged in the Kebellion of 1715. Atterbury, 

the leader of the High Churchmen, was exiled 
for conspiracy ; one non-juring priest saifered for treason at 
Tyburn. High Church therefore gradually became identified 
with Jacobitism, and sank more and more into disfavour. 

The effect on theological life was distinctly unfortunate. The 
High Church party was undoubtedly the most active and intel- 
ligent. Their religious life, if obscured at times by useless or 

ridiculous controversies on points of wholly un- 
Lisastrous important detail, was undoubtedly instinct with 

greater vitality than that of their rivals. Their 
ritual was more calculated to strike the imagination and impress 
the duller minds than the sombre decorum of the Low Church 
service. The result therefore was a steady decline in religious 
life. Sermons became longer, duller, less fitted for the capacity 
of the ordinary church-goer, more provocative of sleep. The 
history of theological literature is a record of slowly-developing 
decay until the new-born energy of the Revolutionary period 
startled the whole sluggish mass into unusual activity once 
more. 

Three typical men of the century may be drawn from each 
of the three forms of religion included within the Church: 
Atterbury is the representative of the loftiest High Church 
views ; Sherlock propounded a middle course between the two 
extremes ; Clarke may be regarded as the prolocutor of the 
extreme Low Churchmen, who endeavoured to reduce the most 
indefinable subtleties of doctrine to the level of the plainest and 
prosiest explanation. 

Section 2. — The Dissenters, 
There was still, however, enough of the spirit of the past 



■.1,1 . 1.- .1, 



The Dissenters, 139 



century left in the Church to preserve the old feeling of in- 
, tolerance which had dictated the Test and Corporation Acts. 
These enactments precluded Dissenters from entering on any 
political or municipal office without previously taking the sacra- 
ment in the English form. The result was per- 
nicious in the extreme. Conscientious Dissenters Position of 
were altogether debarred from political life. The genters' 
unconscientious could easily obtain the object of 
their ambition by profaning the holiest of the rites of the 
Church. Moreover, many men got to regard the ceremony of 
taking the .sacrament merely as a form prescribed by bigotry, 
and were in the habit of conforming once a year to satisfy the 
requirements of the law. Attempts had been made to put a 
stop to this practice by the High Church party, but they had 
died out with the decline of the theological spirit. 

The position of the Dissenter therefore during the reign of 
the first two Georges was that though he enjoyed complete 
freedom of worship, and his ministers were not liable to any 
penalty provided they took the Oath of Allegiance and sub- 
scribed most of the Thirty-nine- Articles, yet 
legally he was totally excluded from political life ^^^^ ^^f 
by the provisions of the Test and Corporation ^g^g^ 
Acts. The laws, however, were administered 
very mildly ; many Dissenters contrived to evade them either 
by occasional conformity, or by boldly omitting to conform at 
all, while various attempts were made to relieve them altogether. 
This, however, the Church was strongly opposed to. Persecu- 
tion she no longer thirsted for ; but the humiliating badge of 
exclusion must still be preserved to mark off the Dissenters 
from the only true elect of the Church of England. In con- 
sequence aU efforts to relieve them directly met with little 
success. Stanhope brought forward a motion for the repeal of 
the Test and Corporation Acts in 1718 ; but the Bill was so cut 
down before it became law, that it entirely missed its object. 
Walpole was decidedly favourable to the Dissenters, and was 
indeed bound to them by the strongest ties of support asked 
and freely given. He was unwilling, however, to add the 
powerful interest of the Church to the list of his numerous 
enemies ; and therefore, while promising relief in the future, 
he steadily opposed it in the present. The gates of political 
power were practically thrown open to the Dissenters after 
-1727 by the custom of passing Bills of Indemnity for those who 



140 Thu Church. 



■ had entered office without properly qualifying 
relief^ according to law. The Church, in fact, made no 

opposition to their obtaining the reality of power 
to some extent, but insisted that the stigma of illegality should 
still be indelibly branded on them ; nor was it till the first 
years of George III. that dissent was recognized by the law. 
Public opinion was, in fact, stiU very sensitive on many points, 
though totally uninterested in shades of diflPerence within the 
Church. Agitation accompanied all attempts at relieving the 
most harmless sectaries. The intolerant spirit of the nation was, 
perhaps, most strongly evinced by the riots which accompanied 
the progress of Pelham's Bill for the Naturalization of the Jews 
and which obliged the Ministry eventually to repeal it. 

Section 3. — The Catholics. 

But though the general feeling with regard to the Dissenters 
was slowly drifting into a phase of contemptuous exclusion 
rather than active persecution, no effort had been made to 
„. ameliorate the position of the Eoman Catholics, 

position of the ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ regarded with virulent hatred, 
Catholics ; inspired by a thorough belief in their disaffection 

and disloyalty to the established dynasty and 
Church. There was little indeed to render them ultra-loyal. 
Not only were they totally excluded from all political and 
municipal office by the provisions of the Test and Corporation 
Acts ; but they were utterly proscribed, their worship prohibited, 
under heavy penalties, their very existence was a heinous 
crime. 

The Eevolution had brought them no relief. On the con- 
trary, their disabilities had been frightfully increased by the 
ferocious Acts of William and Anne. The most important of 
these, passed in 1699, prescribed that any Catholic priest who 
should be convicted of performing mass or celebrating any 
their civil ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Church, excepting only the chaplains 

disabilities; of foreign ambassadors, should be liable to im- 
prisonment for life. In order to induce persons 
to give evidence on the subject, a reward of lOOZ. was offered 
to any one who would furnish information leading to the dis- 
covery of such an offence, and additional rewards were offered 
at different periods whenever the alarm of some Jacobite plot 
re-aroused the slumbering spirit of religious and political anta- 



The Catholics. 141 



gonism. Nor was the persecution .confined to priests only. 
Every Catholic lahoured under disabilities which were directly 
devised with a view to the gradual extirpation of that religion 
from England. The Act of 1699 required that all persons on 
attaining the age of eighteen years should take the Oaths of 
Supremacy and Allegiance, and subscribe the declaration against 
Transubstantiation, which it was impossible for any sincere 
Catholic to do. All who refused became incapable of inheriting 
or purchasing land ; and any land which they would otherwise 
have inherited passed to their Protestant next of kin. With 
regard to their education the statute devised a hideous dilemma. 
Papists were forbidden to keep schools or teach under penalty 
of perpetual imprisonment; it was also prohibited to send 
children abroad to be educated in the Catholic faith. Catholic 
parents had therefore practically to choose between allowing 
their children to be educated in Protestant schools, or to remain 
without proper education. It might be imagined that even 
religious hatred could not have invented a more complete code 
of disabilities. In the first year of George I., i- • i 
however, an additional statute was passed, pre- disabilities 
scribing that all persons on entering any civil or 
military office, all members of colleges, teachers, preachers, 
lawyers, must take the Oaths of Siipremacy and Allegiance and 
subscribe the declaration against Transubstantiation. Refusal 
to do so involved penalties, which reduced the victim to a state 
almost approaching servitude.. 

A certain distinction of principle, however, must be drawn 
between the legislation with regard; to Protestant Dissenters 
and that affecting the Catholics, which wiU account for the 
difference of their treatment.. It was fully recognized at the 
Revolution that dissent was no longer dangerous. The dis- 
abilities therefore imposed on the Dissenters were of a purely 
theological nature, sprung from theological intolerance, and 
perhaps some reminiscences of the humiliation of the Church 
during the Cromwellian period. The persecution of the 
Catholics, however, had a more distinctly poli- 
tical side. The attempt of James II. to restore Political 
Roman Catholicism was yet fresh in the memory fhe^tholic 
of many; and it acquired terrible significance disabilities, 
from the cruelties perpetrated by Louis XIY., 
James' ally, in the cause of Catholicism. In Spain, moreover, 
in Portugal, in Austria, in Hungary, Protestants were still 



142 The Church. 



exposed to all the horrors of burning, drowning, hanging, solely 
on account of their religion. A firm conviction in consequence 
existed in the minds of most Englishmen that the re-establish- 
ment of the Catholic religion necessarily involved the relighting 
of the fires of Smithfield under the direction of the Inquisition. 
This they were determined to prevent at all hazards ; and with 
deliberate purpose provided for the gradual destruction of the 
dangerous sect. !N^or can it be doubted that if the laws had 
been strictly enforced, they would have effected the will of their 
authors. 

As a general rule, however, they were not enforced. The 

Government during the Hanoverian reigns fre- 
enforced^ quently refused to put them in action against 

Catholic priests. Private worship was practically 
undisturbed. The laws against the purchase or inheriting of 
lands by Catholics were evaded with impunity. Every now 
and then some Jacobite scare was followed by severities against 
the Catholics, usually taking the form of some special tax laid 
on their property and a general arrest of their priests. But 
these were purely exceptional events, produced by a great public 
danger, and a necessary precaution against the well-known 
sympathy existing between the Catholics and the Pretenders. 

Section 4. — The Methodists. 

The decadence of religious life within the Church, the diminu- 
tion of the old dissenting bodies, and the gradual defeasance of 
the Eoman Catholics, led naturally to a religious revival of an 
extremely earnest and enthusiastic nature. This was Methodism 
— a name derived from a taunt flung by their fellow-collegians at 
The Oxford the smaU religious society of Oxford students from 
Society. which the movement originally sprang. This 

society flourished at Oxford between the years 
1729 and 1735. Their leaders were John and Charles Wesley, 
Georg^e Whitefield, and James Hervey. Their rules required 
them to communicate regularly, to fast on Wednesdays and 
Fridays and during the greater part of Lent, to visit the sick 
and the wretched inhabitants of the town gaol. 

John Wesley himself was a man whose future life was 

John Wesley. ""^ ^.^^^^ strongly coloured by the chequered 

events of his boyhood. He had been brought 
up by parents of unusual and ascetic piety. His religious 
impressions were early developed, and were tinged with a 



The Methodists, 143 



large amount of superstitious credulity, which rendered him 
prone to discover supernatural causes for commonplace events. » 
Early in life he was saved from destruction by a fire which 
consumed the paternal roof, and this event naturally contributed 
a strong impulse to his religious views. During his Oxford 
career he was troiibled with doubts of every kind, which were 
only gradually removed. His brother Charles originated the 
society at Oxford, of which John Wesley continued to be the 
guiding spirit until it broke up in 1735. 

The two Wesleys started in that year to Greorgia, which had 
been founded by General Oglethorpe as a refuge for all kinds of 
sectaries. During the voyage they became acquainted with the 
views of the Moravians, a religious body of peculiar asceticism ; 
and this intercourse coloured the whole of John 
Wesley's after career and teaching. He met Wesley in 
with little success in Georgia. His rule was far 
too strict and ritualistic for the freedom of that colony ; he 
intermeddled too much in the private life of families ; he even 
by extraordinary indiscretion exposed himself to a charge of 
doubtful behaviour with regard to a married woman of his con- 
gregation. The result of the latter circumstance was that he 
was obliged to return precipitately to England in 1737-38. 

On his return the Oxford Society in a short time became a 
power in England. Whitefield and the two Wesleys were 
ordained and began to preach to the criminals in Newgate and 
in every place and pulpit where they could find an audience. 
The old Christian custom of love feasts was revived. The 
strictest self-examination and confession were prescribed and 
enforced with extraordinary rigour. A spiritual 
tyranny of the most singular kind was established |^°J^®^| "^ 
and acquiesced in by all the members of the little 
band. Gradually, however, they grew in numbers ; they could 
scarcely increase in fervour and devotion. The leaders became 
missionaries, wandering round the most distant provinces ; now 
preaching to the sailors at Bristol, now drawing iron tears from 
the hard eyes of the Kingswood colliers, now denouncing the 
terrors of hell and holding out the promise of eternal life to im- 
mense multitudes in Moorfields and on Kennington Common. 

They soon excited the hostility of the Church and found 
themselves excluded from the pulpit. Nothing Hostility of 
daunted, however, they preached in fields, on hill- the Church. 
sides, or anywhere where there was room for the 



144 The Church, 



crowds which came to hear them. It was long before Wesley 
, was reconciled to this. With singular narrow-mindedness he 
would not for a long time believe that men could be saved except 
in a church. The persuasion and example of Whitefield, 
however, gradually produced an impression on him, which was 
no doubt strengthened considerably by the fact that he must 
either preach in the fields or abandon what he firmly believed to 
be his divine mission. 

Undoubtedly the Methodists produced an immense amount of 
good in the country. They did more to kindle anew the slumber- 
_ ^. ing life of the Church than any of their contem- 

poraries. They brought the Gospel message home 
to thousands who had never heard the name of God pronounced 
before except in blasphemy. Yet they were excluded from the 
Church, and, though we may blame the hostility of the clergy, 
we can hardly wonder at it. There was really no room for the 
Methodists in the Church. Unlike the Koman Catholic Church, 
she made no provisions for enthusiasts. They must either submit 
or separate. Naturally the Methodists chose, though reluctantly, 
the latter course. 

The movement in its later stages was troubled by schism and 
Persecution. ^^ persecution. Whitefield, the most extreme 

of the leaders, quarrelled with Wesley and 
withdrew, leaving the latter undisputed head. In the course of 
preaching the Methodists came into collision with the worst 
passions of the mob. They were at times beaten almost to 
death, drenched with filthy water, hunted with dogs, stoned, 
and dragged through the public kennels. In Cork they were 
presented by the grand jury as notorious disturbers of the 
public peace. However, in spite of all, their numbers steadily 
increased, until at Wesley's death they numbered nearly 110,000 
in England and America. 

Indirectly, too, their influence reacted on the Church by 
Effect on the ^^^^^^^g ^ spirit of hostility and emulation which 
Church. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ re-arouse the dormant vitality of that 

body. 



Par LI A ME NT. 145 



CHAPTER lY. 



PARLIAMENT. 



The chief result of the Eevoliition had been to transfer the 
government of the country from the king to the Parliament ; 
though it was not until the accession of George I. that Parlia- 
ment was really able to exercise this power by means of an 
united Cabinet. The work of the Revolution was completed by 
the Septennial Act, which transferred the governmerLt from the 
Lords to the Commons ; and from that date the country was 
really ruled from the latter body. At the same 
time the Commons were not representative of the Transfer of 
country in the slightest degree. They represented commons 
boroughs like Old Sarum, which had ceased to 
exist; corporations like Oxford, who sold themselves to the 
highest bidder ; great landowners like the Duke of Newcastle ; 
or lastly the Crown, as in the case of the members for the 
Cornish boroughs and the Cinque Ports. There had not been 
the slightest attempt to confer any power on the people, or to 
give them any control over their supposed representatives, 
except what little was bestowed by the Triennial Act. This 
small measure of control was, however, swept away by the 
Septennial Act, which rendered members of Parliament com- 
pletely independent of their constituents or patrons. The result 
was to greatly increase the corruption already pervading political 
life. Members' votes were worth more ; they could therefore 
command higher prices. The peculiarly exclusive policy of 
"Walpole rendered the reduction of corruption to a science 
essential to his continuance in office. The enormous Crown 
patronage was therefore recklessly and unscrupulously used to 
create a majority in Parliament; and the influence of the 
Government was strained to the utmost to increase the numbers 
of that majority. 

L 



146 Par LI A ment. 



In consequence all power was thrown into the hands of a 

regular governing class, the AVhig Oligarchy, or 

^ith^^h^^ the Great Whig Houses, as they were afterwards 

OligsLTchy^ called, at the head of which were the Pelhams. 

The country was therefore still governed by the 
aristocracy, though it -was governed from the Commons and 
usually by a Commoner. The vast parliamentary connection, 
however, which was represented by JS'ewcastle, was practically 
indispensable to the security of any Government ; though New- 
castle himself was too miserable a creature to be capable of assum- 
ing the supreme power with any success. It was the defection of 
Newcastle which broke the strong majority of Walpole ; the 
hostility of Newcastle which caused the overthrow of Carteret ; 
the support of Newcastle which gave Henry Pelham the 
premiership ; lastly, we shall see that even Pitt, the bitterest 
opponent of Newcastle's influence, found himself unable to form 
a stable Government without the assistance of the man he had 
reviled and despised. The period therefore between 1714 and 
1760 is that of the supremacy of the Whig Oligarchy, which 
continued without a break or check down to the death of 
George II. It rested mainly on the disposition of the Crown 
patronage, which during the whole of this period was in the 
hands of Newcastle, and was used solely for his own ends. 
The total break up of the power of this governing class at the 
accession of George III. was mainly due to his resumption of 
the Crown patronage, which deprived the party of the link 
which had held it together. 

The natural result was,, that during the first two Hanoverian 
reigns corruption was carried to an extraordinary extent. 
Euined towns and extinct boroughs' sent as many representa- 
tives to Parliament as whole counties ; and these members were 
nominated and practically elected by the landowners. The 
Crown exercised almost proprietary rights over certain boroughs, 
and could command elections in many places by the votes of 
the revenue officers. In Scotland there is a ridiculous instance , 
on record of a constituency which possessed only one elector, 
T.n.aoconf who at every general election went through the ■ 
corruption. solemn farce of proposing, seconding, electing, ' 

and returning himself to Parliament, with the 
greatest regularity. A Parliament, constituted in such a manner, 
was scarcely likely to be representative of the people in any 
degree; and though at times of unusual popular excitement 



CORR UP TION. 147 



Parliament gave way to the general feeling of the country, yet 
as a rule members regarded their votes in the light of capital, 
which should be productive of pensions, places, and rich emolu- 
ments of all kinds. In consequence great sums were spent by 
the governing class in buying up these votes ; places and pen- 
sions were multiplied to an extraordinary extent for this 
purpose \ peerages, ribbons, and orders were bestowed on those 
who preferred them. The most singular form of interference 
with the constitution of the representative body is to be found 
in the manipulation of election petitions for party purposes. 
This jurisdiction was vested in the House of Commons, and it 
became the custom during the eighteenth century to vote on them 
not according to the merits of the case but the principles of the 
candidates. It was easy therefore for the governing majority to 
increase their numbers by voting steadily for their own partisans 
on all disputed elections. ISiO doubt in many cases petitions 
were presented against returns solely in order that the choice of 
the constituency might be overruled by Parliament. It is this 

fact which explains why Walpole resigned on the ^_ ^. 
'^ ' -4. £ XT- /^T,- 1, Election 

side issue, as it seems, of the Chippenham petitions. 

Election Petition. If there was any question on 
which his party ought to have held by him, certainly they ought 
with regard to the increase of their own numbers. If, therefore, 
he was unable to carry such an important party measure as an 
election petition, it was clear that the time had come for him to 
resign. The corruption of Parhament was so well known that 
no attempt was made even to disguise it. During the excite- 
ment which was occasioned by the Excise Bill, Lord Stair had 
the effrontery to remonstrate with the queen, declaring that the 
Bill was entirely opposed to the interests of the constituencies 
and ought to be withdrawn. " JDo you pretend, my lord," she 
replied in honest disgust and indignatioii at such shameless 
hypocrisy, "^o talk of the opinion of the electors having any 
influence vnth the elected ? I must ask you how you can have 
the assurance to talk to me of your thinking the sense of con- 
stituertcies, their interests, or their instructions, any rule or 
measure for the conduct of their representatives in Parliament. 
Or do you believe I am so ignorant or so forgetful of past pro- 
ceedings in Parliament as not to know that on the only occasion 
when these considerations should have biassed you, you set them 
at nought? Eemember the Peerage Bill, my lord." 

This corruption of Parliament formed such a frequent topic 

L 2 



148 Parliament. 

for vituperation against Walpole that it was only. natural' to 

imagine that wheri the Opposition succeeded to 
Place Bills. power they would proceed to purify the Augean 
Stable. This, however, was very far from what they actually 
did. The influence of the Crown was now in their hands, and 
they found *it useful. Therefore a very inadequate Bill was 
brought in in 1743, which disqualified a few inferior place-holders 
from sitting in Parliament, and there the matter dropped entirely. 
Nor was it till the extraordinary increase of corruption under 
George III., and the disasters of the American War, had roused 
a popular tumult against Lord ^N'orth's Government, that the 
question was dealt with again. 

During the eighteenth century it almost seemed that a tyranny 
of Parliament was about to succeed the tyranny of the king. On 

various points this body showed itself as arbitrary and unreason- 

. able as the most high-flying of the Stuarts. 

ParUament Among other encroachments they assumed a 

regular censorship over the press ; and prosecuted, 
fined, or imprisoned at discretion all printers and authors who 
incurred their wrath. Their privileges were largely extended. 
Their members claimed complete immunity from all actions at 
law, claims of creditors, and even hostile criticism out of Parlia- 
ment. Ridiculous cases occurred in which the august protection 
of privilege was thrown around the rabbits, fish, trees, or foot- 
men of members. They claimed indefinite rights of imprisoning 
men to the end of the session on their own authority solely. 
They sought to envelope their proceedings with complete secrecy 
by prohibiting reporting of any kind ; and though the law was 
practically evaded at times, the House vented its indignation 
heavily on isolated offenders. 

The growth of this very offence of reporting gradually lessened 
the danger arising from the tyrannical disposition 
of piablk ^^ ^^® House ; for by exposing the proceedings of 

opinion. ^^ House to the full glare of the day, it ren- 

dered individual members more likely to be in- 
fluenced and deterred in their political conduct by the voice of 
public opinion. This growth, however, was slow in itself ; its 
fruits were still slower in ripening to maturity. 



India. 149 



iSoofe IF.— NEWCASTLE, 1754-56. 



CHAPTER L 

\ Causes of the seven yeaes' war. 
Section 1. — India, 1745-54. 



V 



At the beginning of the century the English possessions in 
India were divided into three distinct groups or Presidencies, all 
independent of one another, and owing obedience only to the 
supreme authority in Leadenhall Street. There was no attempt 
at unity; each were separate commercial stations for trading 
purposes only. The principal of these was the Bombay Presi- 
dency, including the town and island of that -« -, ,. , 
name, on the west or Malabar coast. On the east, settlement's 
or coast of Coromandel, were Forts St. George 
and St. David, with their respective towns of Madras and 
Tegnapatam. To the north was the new settlement of Port 
William, on the Hoogley mouth of the Ganges, round which 
the town of Calcutta was already springing up, which was 
destined to be the future capital of India. Each of these three 
stations was governed by a President and Council, and was 
guarded by a small force consisting of partly disciplined blacks 
who were called Sejfoys — supposed to be a corruption of the 
Hindoo equivalent for "soldier." The English, however, had as 
yet no views of conquest or political interference. Their power 
was extremely weak, and they sought rather to secure their 
trade by cowering low before the storm and truckling slavishly 
to the native rulers. 

Their chief rivals had been the Dutch and Portuguese. The 
strength of these nations, however, had considerably declined, 



150 Causes of the Seven Years' War. 

and with it the importance of their enmity. The English 
-,, now. had to deal with a new rival in the 

Company ^^^^P^ ^^ ^^® French Company. The settle- 

ments of the latter were Chandetnagore on the 
Hoogiey ; PondicheiTy, not far from Madras ; and the Isles of 
France and Eourhon in the Indian Ocean. The latter were 
extremely wealthy and prosperous. On the whole, therefore, 
their settlement of JBombay gave the English most importance 
on the west coast ; hut they were unable to vie with the French 
Presidency of Ghandernagore and Pondicherry on the Coast of 
Coromandel. The French settlements, moreover, rose to unusual 
importance during the first half of the eighteenth century, owing 
to the commanding genius of their Governors, Dupleix and 
Labourdonnais. 

The state of India at this time was very peculiar. The 
Mogul Empire had broken up on the death of Aurungzebe.. 
^. The scattered provinces fell to whoever was strong 

of India. enough to seize and maintain them. New 

dynasties of rajahs, nabobs, and petty princes of 
every kind, suddenly sprang into existence and founded mush- 
room sovereignties amid the general scramble. The Mogul 
emperors still maintained a show of useless pomp at Delhi, 
which accorded ill with their real loss of power. Everywhere 
their authority was still recognized in theory ; disregarded in 
actual fact. Many of the upstart princelings of the time sought 
a sanction for their usurpation in a commission from the Mogul, 
which was not really worth the paper it was written on. Many 
more acted entirely independently, disregarding the empty 
supremacy of the emperor. Some even directly defied him, and 
set up their usurped thrones heedless of Mogul candidates or 
commissions. Naturally the result was that there were nume- 
rous claimants for every province ; and where neither had 
exactly any right at all, it would be difficult to decide which 
had the most. Givil war therefore raged perpetually all over 
India ; and the people with striking versatility, born of long 
suffering, accepted with equal readiness whichever party should 
prove the stronger. Among the most important perhaps of the 
new dynasties which rose to empire on the ruin of the Moguls 
were the Mahrattas. They were a freebooting tribe who origi- 
nally haunted the hill-country near the town of Poonah. Eising 
to importance under Sivaji, they long tasked even the enormous 
resources of Aurungzebe. The successors of Sivaji, however, amid 



DUPLEIX. 151 



the general disruption which foUowed, founded a vast empire 
stretching over the greater portion of Central India. Predatory 
bands advanced plundering to the very walls of Calcutta, leaving 
a trace of their inroads in the " Mahratta ditch," which was dug 
to protect the town against them. Other bands rode down to 
the extreme south and founded a small kingdom, Tanjore, near 
the mouth of the Cavery. The general state of India, in fact, 
at this time was a striking exemplification of the saying with 
regard to an ancient people, *' In those days there was no king 
[ in Israel, and every one did what was right in his own eyes." 

It was into this sea of turmoil and anarchy that Dupleix, the 
French Governor of Pondicherry, determined to « , 
plunge, in order to acquire for his country a com- Dupleix • 
manding influence in India, to the exclusion of 
the other European nations. The English had been content to 
remain a trading Company, without aspiring to political power. 
They would have lived peacefully side by side with their rivals. 
Such lowly thoughts, however, did not suit the imperious soul 
of Dupleix. France, and France only, must be mistress of India ; 
England must surrender or perish. Dupleix^s predecessors had 
greatly facilitated the success of his plans by carefully cultivating 
the friendship of the native princes. He now devoted himself 
to continuing their work with uncommon ardour. There can be 
no doubt that at this time the French were in the eyes of the 
natives by far the most considerable of the European powers in 
India ; and that their successful defence of Pondicherry against 
the hitherto invincible Mahrattas had raised their prestige im- 
mensely. He therefore easily acquired an extraordinary ^influence 
among the petty princes of the peninsula. 

At the same time he was entirely unsuccessful at first in his 
dealings with the Europeans. War broke out in 
1745 between the English and French Companies 1745.43. * 
before he was prepared for it ; and it was only 
the timely assistance of Labourdonnais with a small squadron, 
which prevented Pondicherry from falling into the hands of 
the enemy, 1746. The capture of Madras, which he shortly 
effected, ought to have been a fresh starting-point for Dupleix's 
schemes. He was hampered, however, by the disinclination of 
his Directors to enter on any expensive adventures. He had no 
control over the fleet, which was vested in Labourdonnais. His 
army was composed of the sweepings of French prisons. The king^ 
Louis XY., had views of his own which clashed with those of 



152 Causes of the Seven' Years' War, 

Dupleix. The result was, that though the latter was able to 
ruin Labourdonnais, he was unable to prevent the restoration of 
Madras to England by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748. 

From this time there was nominally peace between England 
_. . and France. The dissensions, however, between 

tlie Deccan. ^^® servants of the two Companies found expres- 
sion in their interference with Indian politics, 
and the support given by them to the rival candidates for 
different thrones. The French avowedly designed thereby to 
effect the expulsion of the English from India. The English 
proceeded blindly, impressed with a dim idea that in some such 
way they could best frustrate the schemes of Dupleix. As it 
happened, there were two candidates for the Governorship of the 
Deccan, — a vague term, including sovereignty over the huge 
district between the Kistna and the J^erbudda, and feudal lord- 
ship over the Carnatic. The names of these two individuals 
were Mirzapha Jung and Nazir Jung. Similarly in the Car- 
natic a dispute had arisen between Chunda Sahib and Anwar- 
ud-deen Khan, who each claimed the throne. It would have 
been difficult to decide in each case which had the most irreproach- 
able claim. Fortunately, however, that was a point which did 
not matter in the slightest. It was sufficient for the English 
that Dupleix favoured Mirzapha and Chunda; and in conse- 
quence their sympathy was most strongly excited on behalf of 
Nazir and Anwar- ud-deen. 

Dupleix, however, acted at once with striking vigour. In 
close alliance with Mirzapha, he routed and killed Anwar-ud- 
deen ; caused Mirzapha to be installed at once with great pomp 
Triumphs of ^^ Soubahdar or Governor of the Deccan ; and 
Dupleix. persuaded him to confer the Carnatic on Chunda 

Sahib. Eewards without number were offered by 
the grateful Soubahdar. Dupleix might have named his own 
terms. ISTothing could have been too high for the man who had 
placed Mirzapha on the throne of the Deccan. He took the 
title of Governor of all India south of the Kistna with authority 
superior even to that of Chunda. He was presented with some- 
thing like 200,000Z. sterling. Unlimited power over thirty 
millions of people, and the command over enormous military and 
commercial resources were now in the hands of this adventurer, 
who had begun life as a clerk in the service of the French East 
India Company. His deep insight into Indian character, and 
his determination to impress the natives with a most exalted 



Clive. 153 

idea of Ms own greatness was shown by the city which he built 
under the name of Dupleix-Futteh-abad (the city of the Victory 
of Dupleix), in the centre of which rose a lofty pillar bearing 
round its base a high-sounding inscription in four languages tes- 
tifying to the greatness of his exploits. Success seemed indeed 
to have crowned his efforts. Almost the whole of the peninsula 
was ruled by himself or his nominees. Nazir Jung and Anwar- 
ud-deen had atoned for their presumption by death. The 
English crouched within their settlements without venturing to 
interfere. One drpp of bitterness, however, remained in the cup 
of triumph. Anwar's son, Mahomed Ali. still held out against 
Chunda Sahib in the fortress of Trichinopoly, and was recog- 
nized by the English as the rightful nabob of the 
Carnatic. The siege of Trichinopoly was the x/if^i^opoly 
turning-point in the -victorious career of Dupleix, Yi^\, ' 

for it inspired the first military exploit of Clive. 

Robert Clive, the true founder of the British Empire in 
India, was born in 1725 at Market Drayton. From his earliest 
boyhood he was known as a troublesome, idle, mischievous imp, 
who was equally likely to be found any morning climbing up 
the lofty church steeple, or to head the juve- 

., « jt . . T T. -1 J£0D6rt 1/11V6. 

niles of the town in a general assault on shop- 
windows. Study he would not ; and so his long-suffering 
parents at last procured him an underwritership in the East 
India Company, and packed him off to the general refuge for 
the destitute, India. There he seems to have been remarkable 
for his reckless daring, and for a development of melancholy 
which led him even to attempt his own life. It is said that 
after he had twice tried to blow his brains out, and the pistol 
had twice snapped in the pan though it had been carefully 
loaded, he decided to give up such thoughts, for it was clear to 
him that he was miraculously preserved for a great career. 

It was this simple trading clerk of the East India Company 
who alone, with the instinctive genius of a heaven-born com- 
mander, perceived that the most effectual mode of relieving the 
distressed garrison of Trichinopoly would be to create a diver- 
sion in the rear of the French by seizing the important town 
of Arcot, which had been left almost unprotected. With only 
- 200 English troops, 300 Sepoys, and eight officers, four of 
whom were volunteer clerks like himself, Clive dashed across 
the Carnatic, surprised the garrison of Arcot, and The defence of 
defended the place against all the forces of the Arcot, 1751. 



154 Causes of the Seven Years' War. 



enemy, until the Sepoys were obliged to live on gruel in order 
that the rice might be reserved for the Europeans, who 
required more food than they did. There was no hesitation 
or wavering in the little force. They believed implicitly in 
their commander, and he trusted thoroughly in them. The 
Sepoys themselves had voluntarily proposed to limit their own 
sustenance for the benefit of their European comrades. De- 
fended with such heroic resolution and devotion, the tottering 
walls of Arcot became an impregnable barrier to all the assaults 
of the besiegers. Then at last Kajah Sahib,, who was in com- 
mand of the latter, heard that Morari Rao, a neighbouring 
Mahratta chieftain, was on the road to Arcot with 6000 horse- 
men in his train. Hitherto the wily Mahratta had remained 
neutral ; but since Englishmen could fight he was ready to help 
them. And so after a grand assault, inspired by the mixed 
stimulants of religious fervour, intoxication, and military en- 
thusiasm, and sustained with extraordinary courage and despera- 
tion for an hour, the troops of Eajah Sahib struck their tents 
and retired. The siege of Arcot was at an end. 

Thus was struck the first blow at the French supremacy in 
the Carnatic ; and from this time their hold steadily relaxed. 
Clive and Lawrence marched from victory to victory with 
surprising celerity. The road was strewn with the corpses of 
the enemy. The great pagoda of Conjeveram fell with the 

greatest facility. Eajah Sahib suffered another 
Victories of gjgnal defeat at Coverpauk. Dupleix-Futteh- 

' abad and its pompous pillar were razed to the 
ground. A defeat under the walls of Trichinopoly was fol- 
lowed by the total capitulation of the enemy in the island of 
Seringham ; and the war in the Carnatic was practically at 
an end. The execution of Chun da Sahib by his rival Mahomed 
Ali put a finishing stroke to Dupleix's scheme of governing 
the Carnatic by means of a native ruler. His supremacy, 
however, was unshaken in the Deccan ; and he determined on 
peace in order to once more give full play to his diplomatic 
talents. 

Peace was concluded between the two Companies; but it 
Recall of brought with it also the recall of Dupleix. The 

Dupleix,n54. I^i^ectors of his Company were mere traders, 

whose mental vision extended solely to their 
"dividends, and was unable to grasp the wide schemes of em- 
pire with which their great servant had dazzled and perplexed 



Amektca. 155 



them. Empire was good, they would have said, but then divi- 
dends were better ; and the dividends had been sadly falling 
off of late. This they attributed to the expense of the war. 
They were therefore ready to lend a willing ear to the overtures 
of the English Company, who represented themselves as desirous 
of peace, provided the firebrand, Dupleix, was removed from 
' India. The English, in fact, roundly declared that the sole 
cause of the war and the standing obstacle to peace was Dupleix 
alone, — perhaps the highest possible testimony to his greatness 
and merits. The French Directors, however, did not think so. 
They wanted peace ; and as they heard that they could obtain 
their desire by a simple piece of folly and ingratitude, they 
issued the recall without the slightest compunction. Little did 
they suspect it ; but when the order of recall received the assent 
of the governing body, they were practically signing away all 
their claims on India in favour of England. From that moment 
France lost all chance of ever effecting any permanent coloniza- 
tion in India. 

Dupleix himself, — who had seen the mightiest heads in 
India stoop before him, who had played with crowns, and 
dreamt of empires, — now by an extraordinary freak of fortune- 
was reduced to the lowest depth of poverty and ^^ 
misery. Persecuted by the English, and aban- Dupieix,1763. 
doned by his country, he died broken-hearted 
in 1763, a striking instance of French ingratitude towards her 
greatest sons. 



Section 2. — America, 1713-55. 

The English colonies in ITorth America at the beginning of 
the eighteenth century extended roughly from the 31sfc to the 
44th parallel of North Latitude. Their western ^^^ English 
boundary was extremely undefined. In the early colonies. 
days of colonization it was considered that a 
settlement on a barbaric coast implied the possession of the 
whole, or at any rate the country from sea to sea. On this 
principle the French claimed the whole of Canada in right of 
their colony of Acadia ; and in the same way the English 
vaguely maintained their sovereignty over the whole country 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific included between the 31st 
and 44th parallel. This assertion was distinctly put forward 



156 Causes of the Seven Years] War, 

in the charters of some of the provinces. Actually, however, 
the western boundary during the first half of the eighteenth 
century was the Alleghany Mountains. 

Ey the Treaty of Utrecht, 1713, France ceded to England 
Hudson's Eay, ^Newfoundland, and Acadia (or Nova Scotia) ; 
thus extending the English coastline still further north, and 

bringing the English colonists more directly in 
Utreclit 1713. contact with their rivals. The English therefore 

from this date had possession of the greater por- 
tion of the Atlantic coast, with the exception of the strip 
between Nova Scotia and New Hampshire, and on the south 
the undefined district of Florida belonging to Spain. 

The French settlements were called respectively Canada and 
Louisiana. Canada, in its widest extent, included the whole 
^, basin of the St. Lawrence and the great Lakes, 

colonies ^^^ ^ ^^^^ district stretching from that line 

westward and northward to the Pacific and 
Arctic Oceans. Louisiana really comprehended simply the 
district round the mouths of the Mississippi, with New Orleans 
as its capital, and a number of scattered hunting and trapping 
stations along the valleys of the Mississippi and the Ohio. 
France, however, claimed under the name of Louisiana all the 
huge tract of country bounded to the north and south by 
Canada and Mexico^ and extending vaguely from the Alleghany 
Mountains over leagues of forest, prairie, and mountain, to the 
distant Pacific coast. 

There was a very striking difference in the character of the 
two sets of colonies, English and French, and their respective 
modes of government. The English Colonial Government 
was a very liberal one. The Quakers of Pennsylvania, the 
Puritans of New England, the descendants of the old 

Dutch settlers of New York, ihe Germans and 
vernment°of other foreigners of Georgia, all had the same 
the English liberties and rights. And if intolerance pre- 
colonies. vailed in many of the provinces with the same 

rigour as in England, there were others in which 
every form of religious belief was allowed to exist unmolested. 
The majority of the early settlers were religious or political 
enthusiasts, who had sought in distant lands the freedom denied 
them at home. The Government, therefore, in all the colonies, 
even the proprietary ones (i.e. those districts which had been 
granted by the Crown specially to particular individuals, with 



English Colonial System, ,157 



the privilege of regulating the process of settlement), partook 
of a democratic character. In all there was some form of a 
Provincial Assembly with legislative and taxing powers. The 
English colonies, moreover, were mdiiDly agricultural in character. 
Their expansion was extremely slow, but at the same time it 
was sure. The English settlements advanced steadily and 
gradually westward, driving alike the forest, the prairie, the 
wild beast, and the savage Indian before them, and bringing 
with them their own institutions, their own customs, almost 
their own country. The forest and swamp gave place to fields 
of waving com, or plantations of tobacco and sugar-cane. The 
Indian wigwam disappeared, and in its place arose ranks of 
solid log-houses. Where the chiefs of the Five Nations had 
held councils and smoked the calumet, in time court-houses 
were built, and elected judges, sheriffs, juries, dispensed to 
all malefactors rude justice founded on the English Common 
Law. The peculiarity about the English system of colonization 
was the way in which they made the land en- 
tirely their own. The aborigines continually •*-^® EngUsn 
retired before them. Here and there parties of was^an^ex- 
settlers were massacred and ruthlessly scalped; termination. 
villages burnt to the ground; cornfields laid 
waste ; outlying forts besieged. But the Indians never regained 
the ground that they had lost. They could not live where there 
were no forests and no hunting-grounds ; and so they steadily 
retired westward before the white men, much as the Britons 
retreated before the irresistible advance of the Anglo-Saxons. 
Eresh villages were built on the ashes of the old ones. Fresh 
harvests effaced the record of the terrible devastation. The 
trappers, hunters, backwoodsmen, pushed out still further their 
posts of exploration and adventure, and carried the war of 
extermination deeper into the heart of the enemy's country. 
The English colonies were therefore English to the very core ; 
though aU along the border- land raged eternally an internecine 
strife of hideous atrocity on both sides. It is enough to say 
that both parties treated each other as wild beasts, and that 
no more quarter was given to an Indian than to a wolf. 

The French system of Government in the colonies was 
merely a reproduction of the Home Government with all its 
errors. There was no local self-government at all. The 
Governors of the provinces were supreme ; but they possessed 
no right of initiative. They received their orders from the 



1-58 Causes of the Seven Years^ War. 



Ministers at home, and by their orders they were strictly 
bound. Any departure from the letter of their 
Oppressive instructions was executed at their own peril, and 
tr'^F^ °^h subject to the liability to severe punishment if the 
Government, results were not satisfactory. They carried out 
the orders they received by means of lieutenants, 
who were responsible solely to them, but who laboured under 
the same restrictions and the same liability. There was there- 
fore no idea of popular election, popular justice, or government 
by the people. Everything was for the people ; nothing was 
by them. The paternal despotism of France was reproduced in 
its entirety in America, without any adaptation to suit the 
needs of varying communities. Instead, moreover, of the 
tolerance existing in most of the English colonies, in Canada 
the Roman Catholic religion was maintained with the same 
intolerant bigotry as in France. The priests had the same 
absolute sway over the souls and bodies of the colonists. And 
though it must be admitted that they devoted their lives un- 
hesitatingly to the conversion of the Indians, yet the result 
was perhaps more gratifying to their vanity than productive 
of much benefit to the Indians themselves or to civilization 
in general. The character of the French settlements was also 
peculiar to themselves. Trade was in the hands of a privileged 
few. It was therefore impossible that it could flourish to any 
great extent. The genius of the French was not suited to 
agriculture, which therefore fell slowly away. On the other 
hand they took readily to the more exciting occupations of 
hunting and trapping. The romantic life of the backwoodsmen 
was exactly suited to their volatile temperament. They there- 
fore spread up and down the valleys of the great rivers, con- 
ciliating the Indians, and joining in their savage pursuits and 

wild adventures.. Their habitations were moveable. 
The French They became nomads like their new friends ; in 
conqaest was many cases adopting the dress and the customs 
occupation. ^^ ^^^ aborigines, and even marrying Indian 

girls. The French therefore acquired a consider- 
able hold on the feelings and affections of the native tribes ; 
but, except in the few cases of the strong fortresses on the St. 
Lawrence and the Lakes, and the settlements in Canada and 
Louisiana proper, hardly any hold on the land. The inhabi- 
tants of the French colonies were mainly hunters, trappers, and 
irregular soldiers. Most of the buildings and stations were 



^J^V^^X ^^^^^^^^. ^.*v.«w w^ .^« ^^^^^^^. 



Nova Scotia. 159 



forts or hunting encampments. The French colonies, in fact, 
in most cases, never got beyond the stage of hunting or miHtar^'' 
settlements. There were roughly only 50,000 French, hunters, 
trappers, soldiers, in the two vast provinces of Canada and 
Louisiana ; whereas in the narrow strip of coast between the 
Alleghanies and the sea there were over a million agriculturists 
and traders. 

The hostility existing between the mother countries was 
naturally communicated to their children in America. But 
besides the general vague antipathy which sprang from half a 
century of war, there were two distinct causes of 
dispute which were quite enough in themselves ^^aT^etween 
to produce a perpetual irritation all along the ^^^ colonies, 
frontier. These were the undefined boundary oj 
Nova Scotia and the equally undefined limits of the New 
England and Southern Colonies. 

it was stipulated at the Peace of Utrecht, 1713, that Acadia 
should be ceded " according to its ancient Hmits ; " and a 
quarrel had been going on ever since as to the meaning of this 
expression. The French maintained that it referred simply to 
the country east of the Bay of Fundy ; and that the isthmus, 
washed by that arm of the sea and the estuary of 
the St. Lawrence, formed the boundary between ^fNovT'' ^^^ 
Nova Scotia and Canada. The English, how- scotia. 
ever, were unwilling to accept such a limited 
definition of their acquisition. France had undoubtedly usually 
used the term "Acadia" to signify a much wider tract of 
country, and at times even as a general name for the whole of 
Canada. Nothing, however, was done to settle the point satis- 
factorily ; and, with many other questions important to England, 
it was entirely passed over at the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
in 1748. The French, however, built stockades along the 
isthmus ; and it was pretty certain that any attempt at develop- 
ment westwards on the part of the JSTova Scotians must lead to 
hostilities between the rival nations. 

Similarly the French had extended the limits of Canada and 
Louisiana southward and northward till they met, 
and claimed aU the country west of the AUe- Jf^Y^^^^^^^^ 
ghanies, confining the English to the strip of England 
coast to the east of the chain. No attempt had colonies, 
ever been made to arrange this irritating question. 

About the year 1748 the French Commandant received an 



160 Causes of the Seven Years' War. 



intimation from his Government to prevent the English from 
settling in the disputed territories for the future, and to eject all 
who might he already established there. This order naturally 
produced a great deal of ferment. In 1749 an impetus was 
given to the development of Nova Scotia by the foundation of 
the town of Halifax. Shortly afterwards private war broke out 
between the two nations along the debateable lands on the 
Nova Scotian frontier, and the French stockades were attacked 
and defended with considerable ferocity. Moreover, a Company 
was formed in Virginia to colonize the valley of the Ohio, and 

was incorporated under royal charter. The news 
Ou rea o ^ ^j^^^ induced La Gallisoniere, Governor of 

Detroit, to take more definite steps to carry out 
the instructions of his Government of the last year. Exploring 
parties were sent into the valley of the Ohio to affix the French 
arms to trees, and bury leaden plates bearing inscriptions 
asserting that the land belonged to France. Shortly afterwards 
a detachment of 500 men was sent to the Ohio with orders to 
resist any attempt on the part of the English at colonizing that 
district. The English, however, gave no sign till 1753, when 
the Government issued directions to the colonists to repel force 
by force. In 1754 a party of 150 men were at last despatched 
by the Ohio Company to build a fort where the Monongahela 
and Alleghany Eivers unite into the Ohio. The result was 
that the long-expected collision at last ensued. Major George 
Washington, the English commander, was defeated at Great 
Meadows, not far from the junction of the two rivers. The 
triumphant French destroyed his stockade, and built Fort 
Duquesne on its site. This was intended to be the first of a 
great line of forts and military stations, which were to connect 
the valleys of the St. Lavrrence and the Ohio. War seemed 
imminent, but an attempt at reconciliation was still made. The 
English, however, demanded that the French should destroy 
their forts on the Ohio and Lake Champlain, and retire to a 
reasonable distance from the frontier of Nova Scotia. These 
terms were sternly refused, and the war at once broke out. The 
military nature of the French colonies made them far better 
adapted for carrying on the war successfully at first. The 
English colonists were disorganized and disunited, without any 
regular military force, or any regular mode of raising any. 
Moreover, the General whom Newcastle sent out to them, 
Braddock, was the usual type of English commander — brave 



An unreasonable Woman. 161 



enough, but without knowledge or even discretion. The re- 
sult naturally was that he marched blindly into 
an ambush, and the colonial army sustained a 2®^®.^* °/ 
crushing defeat not far from Fort Duquesne, ^* °^ * 
with the loss of their general, 1755. 

This disaster roused the greatest indignation in England, and 
was the immediate cause of an outbreak of naval war between 
England and France. 



Section 3. — Austria, France, and Russia, 1748-56* 

For some time a coolness had been growing up between 
England and Austria. The persistence of England in insisting 
on the cession of Silesia to Frederic had begun this ; though 
there is no doubt that nothing but timely concession on that 
point could have saved Austria from total ruin, j Marie Therese 
had been further irritated by the Agreement or Hanau, which 
was avowedly intended to place a limit on her pretensions. 
But the crowning insult was the process adopted by Pelham of 
proportioning the payment of his subsidies to the number of 
troops supplied by the queen. ( Pelham was no doubt strictly 
in the right ; and Marie was thoroughly and unreasonably in 
the wrong. But then she was a woman after all, 
and so it was natural. ) The result was that she ^oolnesa 
•had been in a state of half-suppressed fury with England and 
England ever since, and in consequence listened Austria, 
eagerly to the schemes of Count Kaunitz. for the 
recovery of her dear Silesia without the assistance of England. 
The peculiarity of the situation was, that under the Austrian 
domination Silesia had been very badly governed, and indeed 
almost neglected as a distant and worthless country ; but now 
that it was irretrievably lost, Marie talked of it as though she 
had been deprived of the most valuable portion of her domi- 
nions. Kaunitz proposed that the alliance with the Maritime 
J*owers should be definitely given up, unless they would assist 
in the recovery of Silesia ; and that a defensive and offensive 
alliance should be concluded with France instead. He pointed 
out that France and Austria had fought for centuries without 
benefiting themselves in the slightest, while all the advantages 
had accrued to the other states. It would be better that they 
should unite. Austria could buy the assistance of France by 

M 



162 Causes of the Seven Years' War. 



cessions in the Netherlands. This would render her rear per- 
fectly safe, and enable her to take vengeance on Frederic, not 

merely by wresting Silesia from his robber-grasp, 
KauStz ^^^ compelling him in addition to cede some 

portion of his own territory as a war indemnity. 
This plan was opposed by the emperor and by the council, who 
clung to the traditional policy of alliance with the Maritime 
Powers. The boldness of Kannitz's views and the eloquence of 
his language, however, fascinated Marie, and in consequence he 
was sent as ambassador to the Court of Versailles with full 
licence to carry out his schemes if he could. The queen mean- 
while wisely determined to introduce a number of very neces- 
sary reforms in the government, finance, and military system of 
her dominions. In this she was aided by experienced states- 
men, and the result was to furnish her with a very respectable 
revenue, a far more efficient administrative system, and an army 
infinitely superior to that with which she had fought the 
Austrian Succession War. This revolution in organization 
was not really complete till 1753, and then Marie felt at last 
with a thrill of pleasure that she would be able to meet her old 
enemy with a far greater prospect of success than in the previous 
disastrous struggle. Her hatred was fanned by the ever-present 
thought of Silesia, by Frederic's reckless and scurrilous wit- 
ticisms at her expense, and by womanly horror at his licentious 
life and irreligious views. He outraged her alike as a queen, 
as a woman, and as a pious and sincere Catholic. She there- 
fore eagerly panted for the day when Kaunitz should inform 

her that she might rely on the alliance of France, 
Marie ^^^ could deliver her ultimatum to the Maritime 

Therese. Powers. Ai the same time she had no definite 

wish for a quarrel with England, nor even any 
special desire to break up the old alliance, provided England 
would assist her to recover Silesia. Allies, however, she must 
have ; and if England refused the role, it was as well to see if 
France would accept it. Therefore though the relations be- 
tween England and Austria were considerably strained all 
through the peace, and this tension was considerably increased 
by the dictatorial conduct of England in purely German matters, 
yet there was no prospect of war between England and Austria, 
because their individual interests did not clash in any way. 
And though it seemed probable that Austria and France would 
.eventually find themselves united in some sort of alliance, yet 



H H 



A SLIGHTED Woman. 163 

the personal hatred existing between George and Frederic 
at first sight precluded ordinary civility, or even common 
honesty, in the relations between their two countries. War, 
however, was rising between England and France in America 
and India, and would eventually be transferred to Europe. 
Marie was moving heaven and earth to rouse a vast coalition of 
European Powers against Frederic. It was almost inevitable 
that the mutual isolation of England and Prussia should induce 
a community of interest. Frederic, moreover, could render 
George important services in protecting Hanover. George could 
supply Frederic in abundance with that necessary article, money. 

The central point therefore of the somewhat confused maze 
of policy which follows is the gradual change in « ^ , 
relaUo7is between Austria and France^ which pQi^t^ 
rendered Austria careless of the English alliance, 
and obliged England to look elsewhere for a friend to defend 
Hanover from the French. 

Kaunitz while at Paris laboured assiduously to reconcile the 
differences between France and Austria, and to prejudice 
Louis against Frederic by pointing out the perfidy and selfish- 
ness of the latter, and especially by retailing the scurrilous and 
insulting jests which he had levelled against the far from 
immaculate character of the French king. Frederic, moreover, 
had made a bitter enemy in Madame de Pompadour, the king's 
mistress. He had refused to receive her messages of respect ; 
declared that he did not know such a person -and (ordered >^ 
his ambassador at Paris not to pay any court to her^ The result 
was that " Petticoat the Second," as he derisively j^^^g^^^g ^^ 
called her with reference to her predecessor, pompadour, 
hated Frederic with all the intensity of feeling 
which inspires a woman when her power has been despised and 
her vanity humiliated. She laboured therefore zealously on the 
side of Kaunitz ; and contrasted his deHcate flattery and unremit- 
ting attention with the studied neglect shown by the Prussian, Herr 
Von Elnyphausen, no doubt very unfavourably for the latter's 
master. It is a most extraordinary fact that a wary and unscru- 
pulous monarch like Frederic — who could scarcely plead offended 
virtue as his excuse— should have ventured on such a dangerous 
course of action for no visible reason. The influence of Pompa- 
■ dour has, however, been greatly overrated ; and though she was 
at his ear night and day with the same story, and though 
•Kaunitz and his successor persevered with the utmost energy, 

M 2 



r^-A. 



164: Causes of the Seven Years' War. 

Louis still clung obstinately to the view which he had pro- 
mulgated at first. He was quite willing to make a defensive 
alliance with Austria, but he would not make an offensive 
alliance against Prussia. In fact, to prevent mistakes on this 
head, he directly insisted that an article guaranteeing the in- 
tegrity of the Prussian dominions should be inserted in the 
treaty. This was not at all what Marie had expected, Kaunitz, 
who was now Minister for Foreign Affairs, laboured hard, but 
in vain, to effect the desired impression on Louis, but the 
obstinate king would not budge an inch. He had made up his 
mind not to go to war with Prussia, though he thoroughly 
appreciated the dark, perfidious character of Frederic. This 
was then the position of affairs at the end of the year 1755. 

In Eussia, however, whither Kaunitz also directed his 
diplomatic gaze, matters were much more favourable. The 
Czarina Elizabeth's character would hardly bear inspection. 
At the same time she was intensely susceptible of ridicule, and 

resented it with all the indignation of an irrespon- 

Views of g^^]g autocrat and a woman. Frederic, who posi- 

£lizaDetii 01 J.' 1 J V' • .• 'xi T ,1 

Bussia. tively enjoyed seemg his victims writhe under the 

stinging lash of his satire, could not resist such 
a delicious opportunity ; and he used it so well that the state 
of the Czarina's mind rapidly approached that of " a despotism 
«7Z-tempered by epigrams." Naturally, she listened to the 
overtures and flattery of Kaunitz ; and as Russian poHcy 
depended simply on the caprice of its ruler, Frederic found that 
he had to thank his malicious tongue for the addition of the 
enormous population of the Eussian Empire to the list of his 
enemies. The idea of partitioning the Prussian dominions, 
which had been hatched during the Austrian Succession War, 
was revived, and the King of Poland and Saxony persuaded 
to join in the conspiracy. At the end of the year 1755, there- 
fore, negotiations were nearly completed between Eussia, 
Austria, Poland, Saxony, of a nature directly hostile to Prussia, 
though they were not yet reduced to the definite language of a 
treaty. 

War meanwhile was breaking out between England and 
France in America and India. The defeat of Braddock in 1755 
was followed by an extraordinary state in which, though war 
had not yet been formally declared, it practically existed be- 
tween the two countries. The English ships preyed on French 
.<5pmmerce. France threatened Hanover and England her- 



On Guard:' * 165 



self with invasion. England demanded help from Austria, 
which was flatly refused, except on condition that England 
would co-operate against Prussia. England 
therefore concluded various subsidy treaties ^lliance 
with Hesse, Prussia, and other Powers, for the England and 
defence of Hanover. Among others, Frederic, Prussia, 
who had no desire to see the French in 
Germany, entered into a treaty with England, called the Treaty 
of "Westminster, by which he guaranteed the neutrality of 
Hanover, January 16th, 1756. 

This Treaty of Westminster was the turning-point in the 
relations between France and Austria. Hith-erto Louis had in- 
sisted on remaining at peace with Frederic, in spite of the 
latter^s treachery and the influence of Pompadour and Kaunitz. 
But now it was only too evident that Frederic's alliance was 
worth nothing, and that war with him was inevitable, unless 
France wished Hanover to escape scot-free. The Austrian 
alliance had therefore become a necessity. France, in fact, 
was in great danger of being left entirely alone in Europe, 
for Frederic's conduct was, to say the least, 
unfriendly. Louis therefore gave rein to his Alliance 
resentment, and determined to gratify his Pom- between 
padour by a defensive and offensive alliance with J^a-nce and 
Austria. The Treaty of Versailles, May 1st, ^^'^^'*' 
1756, crowned the success of Kaunitz's schemes. 

A similar explosion was similarly preparing at the other end 
of Europe ; for the Czarina Elizabeth no sooner heard of the 
Treaty of Westminster than she insisted on breaking off the 
subsidiary treaty with England, on the ground that she would 
not co-operate with Prussia. There was not the slightest doubt 
that Eussia would soon join in the general onslaught on 
Prussia, for the Czarina had mobilized her army . 

in Livonia for the express purpose of invading ready^for 
Prussia. It was only a question of time; for ^^^ 
the Eussian army was slowly getting into march- 
ing order, and Elizabeth now contemplated carrying out the 
partition of Prussia which had been arranged with Austria and 
Poland. The King of Sweden even, though he had married 
Frederic's sister, was lured into this " malignant confederacy " 
by the prospect of a share in the spoil. 

Frederic therefore would be attacked on all sides by an 
overwhelmiQg force, and it seemed extremely probable that 






166 Causes of the Seven Years' War, 



Prussia would be blotted out of the list of the nations. Frederic, 
however, suspected what was going on, though he could get 

no definite assurance from Austria of peace or 
Frederic's ^^j.. More certain information was, however, 

resolve *^^ brought to him by the treachery of a Saxon 

Government clerk. He therefore drew closer his 
alliance with England ; and determined to take the initiative, 
and invade Saxony, in order to obtain the advantage of striking 
the first blow, and perhaps capture in the archives of Dresden 
proofs of the designs of his enemies. 

^Having therefore once more demanded her intentions in 
, , vain from Marie Therese, he suddenly inundated 

of war Saxony with troops, and entered Dresden, Sep- 

tember 9th, 1756. The Seven Years' War had 
begun. 



Ne wcastle. 167 



CHAPTEK II. 

SECTIONAL AND PERSONAL DISPUTESy 1754-57. 

Section 1. — Newcastle, 

The result of PeUiam's desire to include all prominent men 
in his Ministry had been to destroy the meaning of party 
politics. Party strife in the strict sense of the word died out 
entirely. The war of ps?inciples was succeeded by a war of 
persons and sections. So when the link which had united all 
these heterogeneous units of the Cabinet was once broken by 
the death of Pelham, a strange period of personal jealousies and 
sectional hatreds succeeded; in which it is extremely difficxilt 
to keep the wires, by which the puppets were guided, clear of 
one another — so strangely twisted and mingled together do 
they at times become. It is important, therefore, to bear con- 
stantly in memory the fact that all the men who 
were engaged in this vague political warfare ^J^^^f ^gj. ^^ 
were really men of exactly the same party, and ^^^ period. 
almost the same general views of policy. They 
were, in fact, aU Whigs. The Tories had not yet succeeded in 
overleaping the barriers which stood between them and political 
power. The points on which the Whigs differed were more 
points 'of detail than general principles. Both JSTewcastle and 
Pitt were equally determined to carry on the Seven Years' "War 
with France ; but Newcastle would have drivelled over it in a 
feeble, vacillating manner j whereas Pitt threw himself heart 
and soul into the sti-uggle, and struck at the enemy with 
terrific force, Newcastle, again, had no very wide scheme in 
his mind. His object was to keep off invasion; protect 
Hanover from attack; the American colonists from extinc- 
tion ; — but that was all. Pitt's grander genius soared to far 
loftier heights. He designed to ruin France entirely by sea 



168 Sectional and Personal Disputes. 



and land ; to wrest from her her whole colonial empire. New- 
castle was not a War Minister of the slightest ability ; though 
he showed considerable skill in the corruption of Parliament. 
Pitt was a War Minister of the most commanding type. It was 
therefore easy for them to unite in the long run on the condition 
that each should obtain the direction of that particular sphere 
of government to which he was more especially suited. These 
differences in policy, however, did not become immediately 
apparent. In fact there was really no policy at all to quarrel over 
in the year 1754. The motive power which kept the political . 
world in perpetual motion was simply self-interest. One states- 
man was actually in possession of power ; another wished to be. 
Or perhaps one Minister occupied an important office which 
another considered should have been conferred on himself. The 
discontented vented their spite in pungent invective and wilful 
obstruction. They opposed a particular measure, not because 
it was bad in itself, but because they hated or envied the man 
who had proposed it. In many cases we even find members of 
the Cabinet openly ridiculing and abusing their nominal leader, 
without taking the obvious course of resigning, and without 
the latter venturing to resent it. 

In this political Witches-Sabbath, the presiding Demon, by 
the irony of Pate, was Newcastle, than whom no man was 
more unsuited to preside over anything earthly, except perhaps 
some clerk's desk in a Government office. Circumstances how- 
ever, not personal genius, forced him into the foremost place. 
Most of the leaders of the preceding period were removed from 
The Minister *^® scene. Orford (Walpole) and Bolingbroke 
of Fate. '^^^^ dead. Pulteney (Bath) had lost aU chance 

of power; Carteret (Granville) all desire for it. 
Chesterfield had been compelled by a sudden attack of deaf- 
ness to retire from active political life. Pelham had now 
obtained the peace he had laboured so hard to secure on earth. 
Pitt, Fox, Murray, the rising men of the day, were too young 
and too uninfluential to have any chance as yet of governing 
the country. Fox, too, was ruined by his bad character, his 
impecuniosity, and his total lack of principle in political con- 
duct. Murray was determined to devote himself to the legal 
profession with the Chancellorship in view. Pitt had absolutely 
no parliamentary influence, and without parliamentary influence 
it was impossible to govern. ]S"ewcastle, on the other hand, 
had had the control of the vast patronage of the Crown for a 



Newcastle. 169 



long period of years. By a consistent and unscrupulous use of 
it for party purposes, lie had built up such a powerful connec- 
tion in both houses, that, though he was utterly incapable of 
ruling himself, he could effectually prevent any one else from 
doing so successfully. On the death of his brother he naturally 
therefore slipped into the first place, that of First Lord of the 
Treasury. 

Thomas Pelham, Duke of Newcastle, bom in 1694, was a 
nephew of the last Duke of the Holies family. 
He inherited their vast estates, which were worth 
more than 30,000/. a year. At a very early age he entered 
pubHc life as a Whig in the Ministry of Townshend. Erom 
that time he remained in office under different leaders, without 
a single break, till 1756. He had all the virtues which would 
have made him respected and beloved in private life or in a 
subordinate position. He had also all the defects which render 
a man unfit to exercise power. He was warm- , . . 
hearted, of strict morality and sincere piety ; but ^^ ^ ^^^^ ®^ ' 
he was also an ambitious, incapable, peevish, fussy, ridiculous 
little man. He had no capacity as a legislator ; none of the 
higher gifts of statesmanship ; not even the most ordinary tact 
and method in the performance of business. In spite of this he 
had the most consuming thirst for power, and he held high 
ofi&ce in the Government for no less than forty-five years. For 
ten years he was First Lord of the Treasury. He was, in fact, 
possessed of such vast parliamentary influence that no Minister 
could do without him long. His defection broke the strong 
majority of Walpole ; he was able to throw out the measures of 
Carteret at the height of the latter's power and favour with the 
king. Pitt in vain tried to form a Ministry without him, and 
was obhged eventually to avail himself of the 
support he had despised. In fact, though ^^ ^^^ ^* 
Greorge II. declared that Newcastle was unfit to be even cham- 
berlain to the pettiest princedom in Germany, yet the most 
powerful Minister found it impossible to dispense with him for 
very long; and it was only the resumption of the Crown 
patronage by George III. that could ever have broken up the 
strong phalanx of the " Whig houses." Newcastle was a con- 
stant subject of ridicule. Writers loved to depict him as always 
in a hurry, always bustling along as though he were running an 
errand, always talking so fast that his words seemed to tumble 
over one another ; or else as rushing out, covered with soapsuds. 



170 Sectional and Personal Disputes. 



to embrace a foreign ambassador. His knowledge of geograpbyi 
. . . , and the British Empire was a frequent subject of 

satire. " Annapolis," he is reported to have re- 
marked ; ** Annapolis ! certainly, Annapolis must be defended. 
Pray where is Annapolis % " Or, again, at another time : *' Cape; 
Breton an island 1 "Wonderful ! My dear sir, I must go and tell 
the king that Cape Breton is an island.'' Chesterfield said of him, 
that "he was a compound of most human weaknesses, but un- 
tainted by any vice or crime ; " his love of power, however, almost 
approached a vice, and his misuse of it in 1755-56 amounted to 
a crime. He was a steady upholder of the Hanoverian dynasty. 
He supported Walpole and Pitt firmly ; and that certainly was 
the best and most patriotic thing he could do at the time. Horace 
Walpole's charge against him, that he behaved treacherously to 
Sir Eobert Walpole, seems to be unfounded ; for nothing could 
have saved Walpole at the time, and Newcastle may well have 
thought that a War Minister was necessary to conduct the war. 
Similarly he may well have objected to the enormous sums 
lavished by Carteret on purely German interests ; and honestly 
desired that the war should be directed to the advantage of 
England, not the glory of Hanover. The timidity of his cha- 
racter was perhaps most conspicuously shown during his own 
Ministry of 1754-56, when he allowed himself frequently to be 
ridiculed and openly opposed by men who had actually posts in 
his own Cabinet, and were sitting for his own boroughs, and 
,yet dared not dismiss them for fear of increasiag their vin- 
Caricature dictive bitterness. There was something in 

of "Walpole; Newcastle, however, that reminds one ludicrously 

of Walpole, and yet the Hkeness was but a cari- 
cature of the broadest type. Walpole had a horror of great 
men, fearing in each a possible rival. Newcastle similarly both 
hated and feared genius of any kind, and rejoiced meanly at 
heart when his degrading ofi'ers were rejected by Fox, and he 
found himself free to choose, as leader of the House of Com- 
mons, some incapable, abject wretch, from whom he had nothing 
to fear. But then Walpole was a statesman of consummate 
ability and shrewdness, who relied boldly on his own per- 
sonality to carry on the Government. Newcastle was a 
miserable creature, who was " unfit to be the chamberlain of 
the smallest court in Germany." 

And yet for some years the fate of the country was in his 
hands ; and it must be confessed that it would be difficult to 



Ne wca s tle, 171 



find a period during which so much incapacity was possessed of 
so much power. The country drifted wildly, blindly, over the 
stormy sea of politics at the mercy of every wind 
and wave. Her rudder was gone ; the helmsman lailnre. 

could only sit and wring his hands ; thick clouds of impending 
ruin were gathering blackly around. Then a burst of jpopular 
indignation overwhelmed the feeble pretensions of ^wca^e to 
the first place, and compelled him to sink once more to the sub- 
ordinate position to which he was suited, and to, devote, his 
influence no longer to the confusion of domestic poliHcSj^btit to 
the steady support of the commanding genius of Pitt. 

The darkest stain on his official career is undoubtedly the 
sacrifice of Admiral Byng, who was as much a . 

victim to the want of decision in the Government Byn^ 
as to any incapacity on his own part. At a time 
when the Admiralty left very much of their instructions to the 
imagination and discretion of their subordinates with the ex- 
press view of avoiding responsibility, it is not singular that the 
latter at times shrank from the risk which their superiors 
endeavoured to ca^t on them. At the same time the country 
was violently excited against Byng ; and it is probable that 
ITewcastle could not have saved him if he had tried. Nothing, 
however, can excuse the inconsiderate haste with which he 
blurted out a promise that Byng should be hanged before the 
unfortunate officer had ever been brought to trial. 

Like Walpole, Newcastle was pure himself, though the arch,- 
corrupter of others. His hands were perfectly 
clean on that head. He even diminished his ^^^^^^^ 
own fortune by his expenditure in office; and Newcastle, 
when he was practically ejected from office by 
Bute, he declined the usual retiring pension. 



Section 2. — Ministry of Newcastle^ 1754-56. 

Such was the man to whom the fortunes of England were 
committed on the death of Pelham. He appointed Henry 
Legge his Chancellor of the Exchequer j Pitt was Paymaster ; 
Pox, Secretary at War ; Murray, Attorney- General. The ques- 
tion was to whom should the leadership of the House of Com- 
mons be committed. Pitt was hated by the kinor ; 
Murray preferred to pursue his profession ; Robeson 
Fox would not accept Newcastle's terms, which 



172 Sectional and Personal Disputes, 



practically would have amounted to an entire submission to 
the latter's -will. Newcastle therefore appointed Sir Thomas 
Robinson, a harmless, dull diplomatist, who became the butt of 
Pitt and Fox. Pitt attacked and ridiculed him openly. Fox 
adopted the plan of apologizing hypocritically for his short-- 
coinings^Qn the insulting ground that his inexperience rendered 
themonlyVatural. Neither Pitt nor Fox, however, took the 
honx)urable Ipourse of resigning, and Newcastle was afraid to 
disiaiss them. At last it became necessary for Newcastle to, 
dismisg/'EKfibinson himself. 

Overtures were again made to Fox, 1755; and, to the 

astonishment of all, he accepted Newcastle's terms now, though 

they were still more degrading than before. The explanation 

. , lies solely in the thirst for power and pecuniary 

Newcastle emolument, which was the strongest characteristic 

of Henry Fox, and which entirely destroyed his 
principles. From this moment he began to decline in estima- 
tion and importance. He never recovered from his desertion of 
^ Pitt ; he was never able to compete again on equal terms with 
his great rival ; and from that time there arose a permanent 
estrangement between the two statesmen who had been so 
strangely united by the spite of disappointed place-hunters. 

This same year 1755 saw the definite outbreak' of war between 
France and England in America, which hitherto had been con- 
fined to hostilities between the two sets of colonists. The 
superior success of the French rendered it necessary for the 
English Government to take the question seriously up, and fur- 
nish some assistance to the colonies. The incapacity of the 
general, Braddock, who was given the command of the British /■ 
forces, led to his being routed with considerable loss near a 
French fort on the Ohio. A very uneasy feeling arose in con- 
sequence between the two countries. It was suspected that 
France was sending large reinforcements to aid her garrison in 

America. Newcastle wished to prevent this, and 
?he n^aval^^ yet did not wish to declare war. He therefore 
^ar. adopted the rather doubtful intermediate course 

of sending Admiral Boscawen out with orders to 
watch the French fleet, and at all hazards prevent its entering 
the mouth of the St. Lawrence. The consequence, of course, 
was that Boscawen, finding two French ships in what he con- 
sidered suspicious circumstances off the American coast, attacked 
and captured them. The rest of the French fleet, however, 
escaped into the harbour of Louisburg, and Boscawen's expodi- 



Treatv of Westminster. 173 

tion had practically failed. Similarly, Newcastle was utterly 
unable to decide what orders should be given to Admiral Sir 
Edward Hawke, who was in command of the Channel Squadron. 
The matter was referred to a Cabinet Council, who were divided 
on the question. The result was that, after a great deal of 
hesitation and the issuing of entirely contradictory instructions 
in succession, Hawke was empowered to seize all French ships, 
large and small, found between Cape Ortegal and Cape Clear ; 
an^ so well did he execute his commission, that in a short time 
over a hundred lucrative prizes were brought into the English 
/ports. In order to realize the iniquity of this proceeding, we 
must bear carefully in mind the fact that England was still 
supposed to be at peace with France. 

The French were naturally very indignant. But they were so 
determined to put England in the wrong, that they even ordered 
the release of an English vessel, which had been captured by 
their fleet. It was evident, however, that this show of modera- 
tion was intended to veil some secret design of vengeance ; for 
it was impossible that a great nation should submit so tamely to 
such an outrageous insult. -The king therefore . 
began to fear for the safety of his beloved Hanover ; England, 
the people were filled with alarm at the prospect 
of an invasion. George began to contract subsidiary alliances for 
the defence of Hanover with Hesse, with Eussia, with anybody 
who had empty pockets and troops for hire ; and it was on the 
sunken rock of these treaties that Newcastle's Ministry finally 
spht. Legge, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, refused to sign 
them ; Pitt inveighed against them with scathing invective ; 
and Newcastle had no alternative but to discharge the mutineers 
from ofi&ce. The most desperate efforts were made to obtain 
^help. Assistance was demanded from Austria, and refused. 
Overtures were made to Eussia, and even to ^^^ ^ 
*russia. The conclusion of the Treaty of West- Westminster. 
minster, January, 1756, with the latter produced 
the rupture of the subsidiary alliance with Eussia, and was the 
proximate cause of the Seven Years' War, 

Then amid the general panic came like a thunder-clap on the 
nation the terrible news that Minorca was in the ^^^ ^ 
hands of the French ; and that Admiral Byng, Minorca, 
the commander of the Mediterranean Squadron, 
had not done anything to save it. A storm of indignation at 
-once arose against the unfortunate Admiral. There seems no 
reason to doubt that Byng was an honest, stupid sort of man, 



174 Sectional and Personal Disputes, 



the usual type of English officers of the day, who owed his 
position more to family influence than to personal merit. He 
had received no positive instructions from the Ministry, and he 
entirely shrank from the responsibility thus thrown on him. 
Finding that a superior French force lay between him and 
Minorca, he appealed to that usual resource of the incapable — 
a council of war. This august body decided that, as they were 
outnumbered by the enemy, they had better leave Minorca to 
its fate ; which was accordingly done. There was therefore 
much in Byng's conduct to deserve the sharpest censure and 
instant removal from the service ; but nothing worthy of the 
extreme punishment of death. Hanged, however, Newcastle 
promised he should be ; nothing less than his execution would 
satisfy popular feeling ; and so on the purely technical ground of 
insufficient performance of duty, he was condemned to be shot. 

Unfair as the sentence undoubtedly was to the 
£ ^ individual, Byng, it was perhaps on the whole 

fortunate for England that on this occasion she 
steeled herself against the promptings of mercy and justice. It 
was desirable to eradicate the notion that the first duty of 
English Admirals was to bring their ships, off in safety from 
action ; and to compel more decided action on their part in order 
to produce greater results. There was therefore an unexpected 
amount of truth in Voltaire's sarcastic remark, that in England 
they hang one Admiral pour encourager les dutres. Byng's crime 
really consisted in not beating the French ; and with the fear of 
his fate before their eyes English commanders were sure to risk 
all for victory in the future. 

But before Byng atoned for his incapacity on the quarter-deck 

of the Monarqite^ the Ministry of Newcastle had 
Newcastle's crumbled away. Newcastle, alarmed at the popu- 
Ministry. ^^^ ferment about the loss of Minorca, endeavoured 

to persuade Fox to bear the blame ; but this Fox 
entirely refused to do, and shortly after resigned. The great 
Seven Years' War had now broken out all over Europe ; and 
Newcastle's utter incapacity to deal with such an alarming crisis 
became daily more apparent. At last, therefore, finding it im- 
possible to keep his Mitiistry together, he was compelled most 
unwillingly to resign, NovemlDer 11, 1756. 

Section 3. — Political CJiaiiges, Nov. 11, 1756 — .7wne29, 1757. 

A strange period of political revolutions and abortive Ministries 
followed. First a Coalition headed by the Duke of Devonshire, 



Fox. 175 

and includiiig Pitt, came into power. This Ministry sketched 
out a most vigorous scheme of policy. An em- 
bargo was laid on all shipping in the ports ; ^^^ ^^^. 
strong reinforcements were sent to America ; large ^^°^^ ^^' 
additions were made to the forces, including several regiments 
enlisted in the Highlands ; and a Militia Bill was brought in to 
render that branch of the service more effective. 

The king, however, detested his new Ministers, and by an 
extraordinary stretch of prerogative, dismissed 
them. It was impossible, however, to form a ^^*®"="e&iii"»i- 
stable administration without Pitt ; and so after a three weeks' 
interregnum, during which there was positively no Government 
at all, a Coalition was formed between Newcastle and Pitt, which 
united the commanding genius of the latter to the vast parlia- 
mentary influence of the former, June, 1757. 

The most surprising fact was that Fox consented to take the 
subordinate post of Paymaster ; and here it seems a favourable 
opportunity to give a slight sketch of the career and character of 
this singular man. 

Section 4. — Henry Fox, 

Henry Fox was the eldest son of Sir Stephen Fox^ and brother 
of the first Earl of Dchester. He is supposed to have been born in 
1705, but nothing is recorded of his early years but wild and 
reckless dissipation. He was a bold, bad man, who had been 
educated in the lax 'morality of the Walpolean 
school, and had entirely lost all principle, aracter; 
patriotism, and consistency of character. He had great talents 
for business and intrigue. His social qualities were such as 
would endow him with considerable influence. But his appear- 
ance was so unprepossessing that it was a positive disadvantage 
to him ; while his lowering brow and thick-set figure gave him 
such a truculent appearance, that malicious enemies openly 
compared him to a convicted murderer. Though not an orator 
of a very high type, he possessed a very remarkable power of 
debating. He had great tact and common sense, was unusually 
gifted with courage, wit, and readiness. 

And yet he never rose above the rank of a political adventurer, 
so entirely destitute was he of those more solid ^ ^ ^ . 
characteristics which give the necessary weight * 

and consistency to a really noble personality. He had the making 
in him of a great man ; but Nature had spoilt her work in the 
moulding, and flung it aside half -finished in disgust. His early 



176 Sectional and Personal Disputes, 

extravagance rendered him needy and eager for office. In fact 
his impecuniosity made an official salary necessary to him and 
entirely destroyed his principles. 

He was Secretary at War under Pelham and under Newcastle. 
Later he formed one of that unscrupulous band of gadflies who 
stung Sir Thomas Eobinson to political death, though they were 
his nominal subordinates in the Ministry. Fox, however, at last 
ruined his political hopes by the extraordinary and degrading 
junction with Newcastle in 1755 on terms which no one but the 
veriest place-hunter would have accepted. The finishing strok^. 

to his reputation was his takinsj the subordinate 
post of Paymaster under Pitt and Newcastle in 
1757, which did not involve even a seat in the Cabinet, but 
merely unusual opportunities for amassing money. This de- 
clension in a statesman who had aspired to lead the House of 
Commons, and had struggled with Pitt for the pre-eminence, 
was not easily forgotten or forgiven. He became gradually a 
political nullity, while Pitt was treading the loftiest paths of 
national glory. Bute's necessities, however, obliged him in 1763 
to employ Fox to manage the dirty work of corruption in the 
House of Commons \ and the ready compliance of the fallen 
statesman was rewarded eventually with a peerage. He went 
into the Upper House as Lord Holland, rich but degraded in 
public estimation ; and from that time ceased to take any real 
part in public business till his death, 1774. 

GENEALOGY OF THE FOX FAMILY. 
Sir Stephen Fox, d. 1716. 



Charles, d. 1713. Stephen,, created Henry, 

Earl of II Chester. created 

Lord Holland, 
1705-74. 



^ Stephen, Chaelbs James Fox, 

2nd Lord Holland, of the 

d. 1774. ** Unnatural Coalition " 

of 1783. 



Henry, 
3rd Lord Holland, 
d. 1840. 



The Seven Years' War. 177 



ISoofe U.— PITT, 1757-61. 



CHAPTEE I. 

the seven tears' war, 1756-63, 
Table of the Events of 1756-57. 

1755. July. Defeat of Braddock. 

1756. Jan. 16. Treaty of Westminster (England and Pnissia). 
May 1. Treaty of Versailles (Austria and France). 
May 17. English declaration of war with France. 
June 9. French declaration of war with England. 
June 27. Fall of Minorca. 

Sept. 9. Frederic enters Dresden. 

Nov. 11. Newcastle resigns. 

Nov. Ministry of Devonshire and Pitt. 

1757. Feb. 2. Treaty between Russia and Austria. 
April 9. Pitt dismissed by the king. 

May 1. Treaty of Versailles (partition of Prussia), 

May 6. Battle of Prague. 

June 18. Battle of Kolin. 

June 29. Pitt and Newcastle unite to form a Ministry. 

Sept. 9. Convention of Kloster- Seven. 

Nov. 6. Battle of Rossbach. 

Dec. 5. Battle of Leuthen. 

Campaign of 1756, 

The wisdom of Frederic's bold advance into Saxony was im- 
mediately apparent. Tlie Saxon army at once coUapsed before 
him. In spite of all the efforts of the Queen of Poland to 
prevent it, documents of the most damnatory « ^ . • 
nature were found in Dresden, which enabled gaxony. 
him to set himself right in the eyes of posterity, 
if not of his contemporaries. It was only too evident that 

N 



178 The Seven Years' War, 

he had merely anticipated the general onslaught of the united 
Powers. This sentimental triumph was the prelude to more 
substantial successes. Pirna, a position of great strength in 
Saxon Switzerland, whither the Saxon army had retired, suc- 
cumbed at last, after a vain attempt on the part of the Austrian 
General, Browne, to relieve it. This disastrous termination of 
the campaign on the part of Saxony gave Frederic full military 
possession of the whole country, and the power of making 
what use he could of its resources ; — a privilege which he 
pushed to the utmost possible limit with the most malicious 
satisfaction. 

The campaign, however, had been practically a failure, for it 
had not produced any impression on the iron ring of hostile 
nations which girdled him round. The capture of Saxony, in 
fact, only enraged the Czarina ; and did not in the slightest 

affect Austria, who really cared very little what 
Small results "became of her allies. Austria, Russia, France, 
paiffn ^^°^' Sweden, Poland, only drew closer their alliances. 

Eegular treaties were concluded between Austria 
and Russia, France and Austria, for the conquest and partition 
of the Prussian territories. With a population of 4,500,000, 
Frederic found himself opposed by an enormous aggregate of 
90,000,000. His only ally was England, and at the opening 
of the war England could only stagger blindly to and fro with- 
out attempting any really vigorous action. It was impossible 
that she should be able to throw any weight into the scale 
during the miserable period of nongovernment which followed 
the resignation of Newcastle, !N^ovember 11th, 1756^ 



Oampaign of 1757. 

Early in the year 1757 Frederic invaded Bohemia in three 

columns ; and, after a desperate struggle outside the walls of 

Prague, drew his lines of investment close round the devoted 

. . city. The fall of Prague would have enabled 

Bohemia. ^^^ ^^ march straight across Bohemia, and fight 

Count Daun, the Austrian Commander-in-chief, 
on the confines of Austria itself. The besieged, however, held 
out with obstinate gallantry, and enabled Daun to accomplish 
his long and weary march down the valley of the Moldau. 



Blunders. < 179 



Frederic, at the news of his advance, drew out his forces to 
meet the Austrians at Kolin, where he received a crushing 
defeat. It was impossible to continue the siege of Prague 
in the face of his conquerors. Slowly therefore, and unwill- 
ingly, he evacuated Bohemia, and a general paean of triumph 
resounded through the Courts of his enemies. 

Meanwhile, the English had been ' behaving in a manner at 
once ridiculous and ignominious. A heterogeneous army of 
various nationalities had been formed to defend Hanover ; and 
the command given to the Duke of Cumberland. Cumberland, 
with extraordinary folly, determined not to defend the line of 
the Khine, and the strong Prussian fortress of Wesel ; but to 
concentrate his forces on the Weser. The French 
under D'Estrees promptly occupied the Prussian f^^^orth^^* 
Khine territories, thus surrendered to them; Germany, 
and advanced to attack the line of the Weser. 
Cumberland at once retreated ; and, after a miserable fiasco of 
a battle at Hastenbeck, retreated steadily, until he got intO' 
a cul-de-sac between the mouth of the Elbe and the North 
Sea. The choice lay between fighting, surrendering, or retreating, 
into the sea. Cumberland chose the middle course, and con- 
cluded the Convention of Kloster-Seven with the new French 
commander, the Duke de Richelieu, by which Hanover wash 
given up to the French, and the so-called English army 
agreed not to serve against them during the remainder of the 
war. 

An expedition against Rochefort, devised by Pitt, met with 
little better success. Hawke, the Admiral in command, was 
a man of brilliant and daring genius ; but Mor- 
daunt, the military officer, was more anxious ^^7-f^^^^ 
about bringing his troops off in safety, than Rochefort. 
winning a victory. The result was a quarrel be- 
tween the two, and in consequence nothing was done ; though 
young Wolfe volunteered to capture the town with 500 men.. 
Mordaunt was acquitted by court-martial on his return ; but 
Pitt never employed him again. Failure, too, had attended 
the English arms in America. So far, in fact, the proceedings 
of. the English had not been very useful to Frederic, or glorious 
to themselves. Nowhere but in India had they met with 
success. There CKve had just won the brilliant victory of 
Plassey, which made the English masters of Bengal. 

It became necessary that Frederic should himself attend to 

N 2 



> 



180 The Seven Years' War. 



the French invasion of Germany, even at the risk of leaving 

his own dominions open to an attack from 
Frederic in Bohemia and Eussia. He therefore marched 
Gemany. rapidly westward, and came in sight of the 

united forces of France and the Empire at Ross- 
bach on the Saale, November 5th. There he completely out- 
generalled the French and German commanders, and administered 
to them such a thorough thrashing that Prussia had nothing 
to fear from them for some time. 

The Eussians meanwhile had occupied the Duchy of 

Prussia; the Austrians had overrun all Silesia; the Swedes 

were preparing to invade Pomerania. Eight days, therefore, 

. after Eossbach, Frederic started with 14,000 

Silesfa^*^ ^^ men, made a forced march of it the whole way, 

and on the morning of December 5th attacked 
and routed the united armies of Count Daun and Prince 
Charles of Lorraine at Leuthen, not far from the Schweidnitz 
Water in Silesia. So ended the year 1757, amid a halo of 
imperishable glory for Frederic. Single-handed he had saved 
his country from destruction. 

The Eussians retired, after plundering and ravaging the 
luckless Duchy of Prussia. The Swedes gasconaded about a 
great deal of the summer with very little result, and then 
went back beyond the Peene Eiver into winter-quarters. 

Campaign o/ 1758. 

The year 1758 was remarkable for two important changes. 
The English, now directed by the master-genius of Pitt, began 
to take a more decided and effective part in the war on the 
Continent ; while maintaining the stupendous struggle in the 
colonies and at sea with extraordinary vivacity. The Eussians, 

Chanees *°^' ^^^ ^^ *^® march earlier in the year ; and 

^ ' ^ contrived not only to harry the Duchy of 

Prussia in the usual way, but even to make themselves dan- 
gerously felt in the Mark of Brandenburg itself. With regard 
to the despicable Swedish War, which went on in a desultory 
manner all through, it may be dismissed in a few words. The 
Swedes never got across the Peene till late in the season. 
When they had accomplished this, they seemed completely 
satisfied, and effected extremely little else. Usually, too, they 
retired as early as possible into winter-quarters. 



Frederic and Ferdinand. 181 



Frederic began the campaign by an advance into Moravia 
to besiege Olmiitz. His communications were, however, 
destroyed, and a large convoy of provisions carried ofp by the 
Austrian cavalry commanded by the active and daring General 
Loudon. He therefore retired rapidly from Moravia; and, 
inarching with his usual celerity northwards, 
directed his attention to the Kussians, who were ^^®d®i^fc in 
straggling about, and committing every kind of Brandenburg 
atrocity in the valley of the Oder. A decisive and Saxony. * 
beating at Zorndorf, however, sent these savages 
back to their own country rather quicker than they had come ; 
and left Frederic free to deal with the Austrians under Daun 
and Loudon, who had invaded Saxony. He was, however, so 
unduly scornful of the military capacity of the enemy, that 
he did not even take ordinary precautions ; but allowed himself 
to be surprised by night, and completely beaten at Hochkixchen, 
So extraordinary, however, was the genius of this remarkable 
man, that he managed his retreat with such skill that in a 
short time the Austrians were obliged themselves to evacuate 
Saxony and Silesia, completely generalled out of the country. 

Meanwnile the English had not been idle. Pitt had re- 
pudiated the Convention of Kloster- Seven, and demanded an 
efficient General from Frederic to command the English army 
in North Germany. Frederic sent them Prince Ferdinand of 
Brunswick, a worthy disciple of his own, but 
free from the hideous blemishes which obscured uoj^tT^^ ^ 
the character of the king. Ferdinand with a Germany. 
mixed crew of subsidized Germans cleared Ger- 
many completely of the ragged brigands who composed the 
French army; and following them closely up to the Rhine, 
inflicted a severe defeat on them at Creveldt, June 23rd, 
1758. Large reinforcements, however, enabled them to turn 
again ; and Ferdinand, finding that there was some danger of 
his communications being broken, recrossed the Rhine, and 
retired into Westphalia, where he was greatly strengthened by 
the advent of 8,500 British troops. 

Much of Ferdinand's success was due to a diversion created 
by the fleet under Commodore Howe, who attacked the harbours 
of St. Malo and Cherbourg, and destroyed a vast ^^^^^^ 
deal of shipping and stores, thereby effectually expedition, 
preventing the French from sending any succours 
to Germany, 



/ ■ -. 



182 The Seven Years' War, 



Campaign of 1759. 

!Fresh vigour was imparted into the proceedings of the French 
hy the accession of the Duke de Choiseul to the War Office at 
the close of the preceding year. Every preparation wa^ urged 

on with the greatest energy, and the treaties with 
Choiseul. Austria were remodelled on terms more favotir- 

ahle to France. An invasion of England was contemplated, and 
an enormous force was to be poured into Germany. It was too 
late, however. The English now had recovered from the craven 
terrors which had seized them at the beginning of the war ; they 
had learnt the art of victory ; they were commanded by a 
real General. They were therefore irresistible ; and ChoiseuFs 
schemes all ended in a pitiable failure. 

At first, however, success attended the French arms in Ger- 
many. Ferdinand, beaten by the Duke de Broglie at Bergen, 
was compelled to retire to the Weser ; and a second occupation 
of Hanover seemed imminent. A stand, however, was made at 

Minden; and Ferdinand manoeuvred with such 
Ferdinand. ^^^.^ ^^^^ ^^ compeUed the Frenchmen to fight, 

and that under circumstances of great disadvantage. The brunt 
of the battle fell on the English infantry, who behaved splen- 
didly. The result was a brilliant victory ; which would have 
ended in the total annihilation of the French, had Lord George 
Sackville, who commanded the cavalry, charged the enemy 
when he was ordered to do so. The French, however, with- 
drew in disorder to Hesse Cassel, and were seen no more for 
that season. 

This year was a complete triumph for England. In India, in 
Canada, on the sea, the British arms were everywhere irresistible. 
Enffiish Croree, Gnadaloupe, Minden, Lagos, ftuebec, 

victories. ftuiberon, were all names which signified a 

crushing defeat to the French. Horace Walpole 
said that there were so many victories that one had to get up 
early to avoid missiug any of them. France was so completely 
cowed, that Choiseul would gladly have concluded a separate 
peace with England, if Austria would have released him from 
his engagements. 

Meanwhile the year, which proved so glorious for England in. 
every part of the world, saw Frederic reduced to the lowest 
depths of misfortune and despair. A crushing defeat at Kuners- 

l 



*t 



Not. to be Overwhelmed'' 183s 



dorf was followed by the capitulatioa of an entire Prussian 
army at Maxen, and the surrender of Dresden. Nothing but 
the inactivity of the enemy and the quarrels 
between their Generals could have saved Frederic. deSa^ts ^ 
Several times he seriously contemplated suicide ; 
and indeed invariably carried about with him the means of 
ending his earthly troubles at any moment. The total ruin of 
Prussia seemed impending ; but the iron determination of the 
king still enabled her to maintain the same resolute front as 
before. 



Campaign of 1760. 

Frederic was now obliged to act purely on t£e defensive. Hig 
.country was too worn out and exhausted for any extended efforts. 
His treasury was almost empty. Nothing but the British sub- 
sidies enabled him to pay his troops. It was only by an extra- 
ordinary system of recruiting that he could fill up the enormous 
gaps in his army. Prussian officers spread all over Europe, 
bribing, frightening, actually kidnapping, men to fight against 
the Austrians. The campaign was almost wholly in Silesia and 
Saxony ; and the two countries suffered horribly. Early in the 
year three Austrian armies and a Eussian one 
assembled in Silesia, and, gathered slowly round S^^?"^ ^? 
Frederic. The latter, however, with surprising Saxony. 
celerity darted suddenly through the masses of 
the enemy, and, pouncing on the division of Loudon, routed him 
with great slaughter at Liegnitz, August 15th. The news of 
this sent the Eussians off in full retreat, and thus Frederic had 
killed two birds with one stone. The armies of Daun and Lacy, 
however, still remained, while a detachment of Eussians and 
Austrians plundered Berlin itself. At last, after a long series of 
intricate manoeuvres, Frederic came upon the Austrians strongly 
posted at Torgau in Saxony, and attacked them with the utmost 
fury. " It was a dreadful day of carnage ; on both sides blood 
flowed as water. The Prussians marched full on Baun's bat- 
teries of 400 cannon ; within half an hour 5000 grenadiers, the 
pride and strength of Frederic's army, lay dead or disabled on 
the ground." The thunder of the cannonade was so terrific that 
even the Prussian king — no stranger to the voice of artillery — 
was awed for the first time in his life. The victory lay with the 



184 The Seven Years' War, 

; . — ( 

assailants, but at a fearful price. So frightful was the butchery 
that both sidesj as if by commoii consent, avoided any other 
pitched battle for the rest of the war. 

Meanwhile, during the summer a French army of 100,000 
men under the Duke de Broglie had crossed the Rhine, and 
_ ,. pushed on into Hesse. Ferdinand, with a very 

inferior force, succeeded in repulsing them at 
Warburg. He was, however, unable to check their steady 
advance into Hesse, where they took up their quarters for the 
winter. 

The most important incident of the year to Frederic was un- 
Death of doubtedly the death of George II. For George III. 

George II. and his favourite, Bute, were determined to with- 

draw from the war as soon as they possibly could. 
Choiseul, too, was beginning to be anxious for peace ; for the 
victories of Austria, however gratifying to the latter, were no 
compensation to France for her maritime and colonial losses. 

Campaign of 1761. 

The Prussian campaign of this year consisted of a series of 
marches and skirmishes up and down Silesia and Saxony with- 
out the occurrence of a single pitched battle. Both parties were 
, . too much exhausted to make any very extended 

efforts. At the end of the year the Russians at 
last advanced into Pomerania. A mixed Russian and Austrian 
army lay all across Silesia. Frederic was practically shut up in 
the Mark of Brandenburg ; and was at his wit's end to know 
how the men and money necessary to carry on the war were to 
be found for next year. 

The English campaign was wholly indecisive. At the end of 
Ferdinand. ^^^ ^^^^ Ferdinand and Broglie remained in much 

the same position as when they began it. The 
only result was to produce in Choiseul a sincere desire for peace, 
provided he could obtain respectable terms ; if not, he had fabri- 
cated a new weapon with which he hoped to deal a crushing 
blow at the enemy. This was the Family Compact with Spain, 
by which the two Powers agreed to levy war together on England. 
Eesiffnation ^^^^' however, suspecting the existence of some 
of Pitt. ^^^^ compact from the unusual interest shown by | 

France in certain Spanish grievances, determined J 
to include the younger branch of the House of Bourbon in the 



' End of the War, 185 

ruin lie had prepared for the elder. The Cabinet, however, 
under Bute^s direction, refused to obey any longer the mandates 
of Pitt, and that great statesman at once resigned. 

Oampaign of 1762. 

Fortunately for Frederic, the death of the Czarina Elizabeth in 
January removed Kussia from the list of his enemies, and gave 
Sweden an opportunity of retiring from her purposeless share in 
the war. He was therefore better able to bear . 

the loss of the English subsidy, when Bute de- ^ ®"^' 
clined to renew the subsidiary treaty between England and 
Prussia, which had expired in the preceding year. His prospects, 
however, were really greatly improved. He was able to drive 
the Austrians out of Silesia and Saxony, and to induce them to 
conclude a truce in anticipation of the general peace which 
seemed impending. 

Early in the year, however, Pitt's foresight had been justified 
by the Spanish declaration of war. The chief result of this rash 
act was that Spain immediately lost a number of . 

her principal colonies ; and that Choiseul, aban- 
doning his bellicose views, entered heartily into the negotiations 
for a separate peace with England. 

In Germany, Prince Ferdinand was able to drive the French . 
completely out of Hesse ; and thus the continental ^ ^. ^ 
campaign of the year ended decidedly favourably 
for England and Prussia. 

The result of the general exhaustion of the Powers and the 
peaceful aspirations of Bute was the Treaty of p ^ ^^^63 
Paris, February 10th, 1763, between England 
and France ; which was shortly followed by the Treaty of 
Hubertsburg between Austria and Prussia, February 5th, 1763. 

So ended the stupendous struggle known as the Seven Years' 
War. 



186 :War in America. ' 



CHAPTEE II. 

WAR IN AMERICA, 1756-60. ' 

Campaign of 1756-57. 

In North America the military nature of the French colonies 
gave them an immense advantage at the outset of the war, which 
was greatly increased by the incapacity of the English officers 
sent out to carry on the struggle against them. Braddock had 
been succeeded by the Earl of Loudon ; a man of the same type 
as Byng, — honest enough, but hopelessly undecided in character. 

The Americans said that he was like St. George 
the EneUsh ^^ ^^® sign-posts, " always galloping, but never 

advancing an inch." An attack was planned on 
Louisburg, the capital of the French colony of Cape Breton, 
and Lord Loudon mustered about 12,000 men for the assault. 
But some exaggerated reports of the enemy's strength having 
come to his ear, this gallant commander gave the order to retreat. 
Similarly no attempt was made to prevent the destruction of 
Fort William Henry on the southern coast of Lake George, or to 
interfere with the French fleet which was cruising off Cape 
Breton. The English officers, in fact, were no match for an able 
and experienced veteran like the Marquis of Montcalm, the 
French Governor of Canada, and by the close of the year the 
French had very nearly made good their claim to the whole 
country west of the AUeghanies. 

Campaign 0/ 1758. 

It was, however, the peculiar glory of Pitt that he was 
entirely undeterred by any apparent difficulties, which might 

interpose between him and victory. To him it 
Louislmrp. appeared that under such circumstances there 

was merely additional cause for active and 



'W% 



Capture of Louisburg. 187 

vigorous action. He had no sooner secured his position at 
the Foreign Office on a firm foundation in 1757, than he at 
once determined on the conquest of Canada, in order to cut 
,at the very roots of the French colonial empire. Early in 1758 
the Earl of Loudon was recalled ; and large reinforcements, com- 
manded by General Amherst and Admiral Boscawen, were sent 
out with instructions to capture Cape Breton Island, which was 
the seat of the French cod-fishery, Wolfe, whose spirited offer 
with regard to Eochefort had attracted the eagle eye of Pitt, was 
sent as second in command. Both Wolfe and Amherst were 
young men whose sole claim to distinction rested on their 
courage and talent. The selection of men who had positively 
no family influence to back them was contrary to all the tradi- 
tions of the English service ; but considerations of that kind 
rarely weighed very heavily with Pitt, and the event justified 
his choice. On June 2nd Boscawen anchored his fleet off 
Louisbnrg ; and the boats laden with soldiers were soon racing 
through the surf in spite of the fire from the French ships and 
batteries. As the keels grated on the beach, the men, headed by 
Wolfe, dashed through the waves, and a desperate hand-to-hand 
battle ensued amid the spray and surf. The enemy resisted 
with the greatest vigour ; but such a heavy fire was kept up on 
' the town, that at last the garrison capitulated. Louisburg thus 
feU into the hands of the English. The whole of the island sub- 
mitted on the fall of its capital ; and this was followed by the 
surrender of the Island of St. John's, or, as it was afterwards 
called, Prince Edward's Island. 

Meanwhile General Abercrombie, an officer of the old type, 
had become senior in command on the recall of Loudon. It was 
really a great mistake that the General was not recalled as well 
as the Earl ; but, unfortunately, his blunders were still to come. 
When Amherst was commissioned to attack Cape Breton, Aber- 
crombie received instructions to reduce the French forts on Lakes 
George and Champlain, and thus prepare a road for the invasion 
of Canada from the south. The grand object of pailure before 
the march was Ticonderoga, — a strong fort Ticonderoga. 
blocking the passage between Lakes George and 
Champlain, and therefore practically commanding the road to 
the important town of Montreal. Montcalm, however, had 
strengthened the place considerably with formidable stockades 
and breastworks. So when Abercrombie and his people came 
•rushing blindly on to attack the fort, they were received with 



188 IVar jn America, 



such an eruption of fire and shot that they fell back in great 
confusion and astonishment, and promptly retreated. 

The English, however, gained one decided success on the 
Ohio. This was the capture of the old bone of contention, 
Fort Duquesne, which was re-christened by the name of Pitts- 
burg. The outposts of Canada, therefore, on the north and 
south had been driven in, though as yet no impression what- 
ever had been made on the centre of the defence. 



Campaign 0/ 1759. 

In 1759 a grand triple assault was organized on Canada itself. 
Amherst, who was now Commander-in-chief, was ordered to 
renew the attack on TiconderOga from l^ew England; and 
then march straight down the St. Lawrence. Wolfe with a 
second army was to advance up the St. Lawrence to ftuebec, 
the capital of Canada, where it was expected that he would find 

Amherst ready to co-operate in a joint attack on 
C nada ^ that town. Of these enterprises the second was 

really the most hazardous. Meanwhile a third 
army, consisting of a rather motley crew of colonists and friendly 
Indians, commanded by General Prideaux, would sally from 
New York, and attack Fort Niagara, which blocked the gap 
between Lakes Erie and Ontario. It was hoped that this third 
blow, struck at such a distant point, might create alarm at the 
Erench head-quarters, and draw off a considerable force from 
the defences of the lower reaches of the St. Lawrence. 

The result of Prideaux's expedition was extremely satisfactory. 

They captured Fort Niagara, and thereby effec- 
N^agara tually cut the line of communication between 

Canada and Louisiana. 
The plan of united co-operation between Amherat and Wolfe, 
however, failed completely, for though the latter successfully 
accomplished the difficult task of navigating up the St. Lawrence 
p - to within a short distance of Quebec, Amherst 

Ticonderoga. ^^^ unable to reduce the powerful fortresses of 

Ticonderoga and Crown Point as quickly as he had 
expected. Therefore, though he carried out his instructions 



Siege of Quebec, 189 



eventually to the very letter, Wolfe was preparing to assault 
Quebec long before Amherst had reached the line of the St, 
Lawrence. 

For several months the English, scattered about on the 
islands and banks of the St. Lawrence, wearily manoeuvred up 
and down, endeavouring to entice Montcalm out of his strongly 
entrenched camp on the heights to the north-east of the city. The 
cautious Frenchman, however, wisely remained on the defensive ; 
and provoked Wolfe eventually to exhaust his strength by an in- 
effectual assault, which was repulsed with considerable slaughter. 
In September, therefore, Wofle determined to change the base 
of operations ; attack from the western side and storm the 
Heights of Abraham just above Quebec, which commanded the 
town. The troops were therefore transported by the fleet to 
a point a few miles np the river, and it was determined to 
try the effect of a night surprise. Therefore, while the fleet 
distracted Montcalm's attention by a furious cannonade on 
his camp, Wolfe and a body of picked men slipped out their 
boats into the river, and with muffled oars rowed 
steadily and silently down stream under the Quebec °^ 
shadows of the grim beetling cliffs. It is said 
that he recited in a low tone to his ojB&cers Gray's " Elegy in a 
Country Churchyard," and expressed admiration to an enthu- 
siastic degree. " Next morning,'' says Carlyle, " Wolfe with 
his 5000 is found to have scrambled up by some woody 
neck in the heights which was not quite precipitous ; has 
trailed 6ne cannon with him, the seamen busy bringing up 
another ; and by ten of the clock, stands ready ranked, ready 
at all points for Montcalm, but refusing to be over-ready." 
Montcalm at the first news came hurrying- up in good order 
from his camp below the city. On either side of him and all 
round the heights he threw out skirmishers, Indians, sharp- 
shooters of every kind, to worry the English, and perhaps pro- 
voke them to leave their strong position. But " Steady, boys, 
wait till they come within forty yards ! " cried Wolfe ; and 
then the dense phalanx of the French vanguard came rolling 
up the slope, preceded by jets of smoke and volleying thunder, 
,but to their astonishment meeting with absolutely no response 
from the dark silent masses of the English. What could it 
mean? Had the ammunition failed? But ere the exultant 
thought was fully formed, a word of command rang sharply 
through the English ranks, and the whole line burst out into 



190 War in America, 



a broad deadly sheet of flame, which, delivered at such close 
quarters, absolutely blew the French army to shivers. Then 

the English charged swiftly forward with the 
Wdfe ° bayonet, and drove the scattered remnants of the 

enemy in hideous disorder headlong down the 
heights. Both the leaders of this desperate duel of the nations 
fell in the battle ; — Wolfe cheering his men on to certain 
victory, Montcalm vainly endeavouring to rally the broken 
fugitives of his once proud army ; the one happy in the know- 
ledge of his country's triumph, the other glad to escape his own 
humiliation. Five days afterwards Quebec capitulated ; and 
from that moment the ultimate reduction of all Canada was 

assured. 

» 
Campaign 0/ 1760. 

The command now fell to Colonel Murray, who was left with 
6000 men to maintain the English hold on Quebec ; and to the 
Marquis de Yaudreuil, the French Governor of Montreal, the 

second city of the colony. The Marquis deter- 
Attemptto mined to make an eflbrt to recover Quebec, 

Quebec. while the communication with the sea was cut 

off by the floating ice in the lower St. Lawrence. 
Early, therefore, in the spring, a force of about 10,000 men, 
regulars and irregulars, dropped down the St. Lawrence from 
, Montreal, and landed a few miles above Quebec. The English, 
presuming on their success of last year, marched out in very 
inferior numbers to attack the enemy; but received such a 
warm welcome, that they were obliged to retreat rapidly to the 
town. The French commander, M. de Levis, at once opened 
trenches, and the siege began. The besieging force was so 
superior in numbers, that, though the place was defended with 
extraordinary bravery, nothing but the arrival of reinforcements 
could save it. It was really a race against time. Great, there- 
fore, was the joy of the English garrison when on May 11th 
the white sails of an English frigate were seen slowly ascending 
the St. Lawrence. In a few days a whole fleet lay off' Quebec ; 
and M. de Levis, with rage and despair, was obliged to raise 
the siege. 

The English now took the offensive. A triple attack was 
arranged on the great town of Montreal further up the St. 
Lawrence : one from Quebec, under General Murray ; one from 
Crown Point, under General Haviland ; one from Oswego, south 



Capture of Montreal, 191 



of Lake Ontario, under Amherst, the Commander-in-chief. 
The latter was by far the most difficult, as it involved crossing 
the lake in open boats, and then dropping down the upper St. 
Lawrence, the navigation of which is extremely- 
dangerous, owing to the numerous rapids. How- M<mtreal° 
ever, so well did the various expeditions carry 
out their share of the campaign and surmount the obstacles in 
their path, that within twenty-four hours of each other the three' 
commanders landed their troops on the Island of Montreal, and 
surrounded the town. The Marquis de Yaudreuil had neither 
the men nor the means for any prolonged resistance to the 
overwhelming forces which now threatened his position. After 
a decent interval, therefore, he capitulated, and agreed to return 
home with his army under an engagement not to serve against 
the English during the remainder of the war. Thus the second 
city of Canada was in the hands of the English ; and all that 
remained to the French of their huge colonial empire in 
America was the province of Louisiana round the mouths of 
the Mississippi. The triumph of the English was completed 
by the total destruction in the Bay of Chaleurs of a French fleet 
of twenty-two sail which had been sent too late to reinforce the 
army of Vaudreuil. 

So ended the war between England and France in North 
America at the close of the year 1760. 



Wolfe, 

The history of the- conquest of Canada would not be complete 
without some slight sketch of its hero and martyr, James Wolfe. 
He was the son of a veteran, General Edward Wolfe, who had 
fought under Marlborough. The young Wolfe entered the 
army at an early age, and went through the -a- x. 
campaigns of the Austrian Succession War in ^ ^ ^^**^ ®^' 
Flanders and Germany. At the early age of twenty-two he was 
a Heutenant-colonel, and renowned for his skill and gallantry. 
He had all the virtues which adorn a noble character ; all the 
physical disadvantages which tend to obscure it. He was 
upright, religious, humane, and courageous in the extreme. 
But his manner was reserved, almost repelling to strangers ; 
and he never appeared to advantage in the common circum- 
stances of life. His exterior, too, was unprepossessing, while 



192 Wak in America, 



the lively red colour of his hair drew u nnece ssary attention to 
his outward defects. 

His death was as honourable as his life had been illustrious. 
He fell in the act of leading his men to victory after having 
long stifled the intense agony of two severe wounds in order 
that no discouragement might spread through the ranks. Lord 
Mahon concludes his laboured panegyric on Wolfe by saying, 

" Mourning was worn for him by all classes — 
" ®^ • rich and poor — high and low. When his remains 

arrived at Portsmouth, they were landed amid the highest 
honours : minute guns were fired • the flags waved half-mast 
high ; and an escort, with arms reversed, stood ready to receive 
the coffin on shore." By the House of Commons a monument 
in Westminster Abbey at the public charge was voted on the 
motion of Pitt. A far grander monument, however, than any 
which human art could rear to perpetuate the memory of the 
glorious dead exists in the vast empire stretching across the 
breadth of America, which has sprung from the conc[uest of 
Quebec. 



¥^ 



Maritime Expansion. 193 



CHAPTEE IIL 

NAVAL WAE. 

Equally extraordinary had been the success of the English at 
sea. The traditions of the service, however, at the beffinninsr 
of the war were such as to scarcely warrant the prediction that 
the French would one day hide in their own harbours from, the 
terrors of the British fleet. The failure of Byng to relieve 
Minorca in 1756 contains the key-note to the whole discord. 
Again and again do we find British Admirals declining to fight 
because the enemy were superior in numbers, or, 
to use the new phrase, " in weight of metal." "^^ ®"* ' 
It is the peculiar glory of Pitt to have destroyed the meaning 
of this phrase, and to have inspired his Admirals with such 
cool and daring gallantry, that they no longer sought to make 
sure of an acquittal by court-martial, but devoted all their 
energies to wresting victory from the enemy, however dispro- 
portionately large his armament might be. In consequence, the 
failures of Louisburg and Kochefort, with which the naval 
war began, were soon obliterated by the full tide of complete 
.success which crowned the determined gallantry of HaWke, 
Boscawen, Pococke, Keppel, Saunders, and Rodney. 

The first years of the war were marked with disaster ; nor 
was it till Pitt's master-hand had grasped the helm that Fortune 
once more smiled on England. Then, indeed, the change was 
marvellous. 

The year 1758 opened with an attack on the French West 
African settlements, planned by Mr. Thomas 
Gumming, a Quaker. A small squadron sue- Goree 1758. 
ceededin capturing the Fort of St. Louis within 
the mouth of the Senegal River ; but the important island of 
Goree, off th« mouth of the Senegal, was not reduced till the 
end of the year by a squadron under Commodore Keppel. 

In 1759 Choiseul began to make elaborate preparations for a 

o 



194 'Naval War, 



determined attempt to invade England. Elat- 
Invasion of bottomed boats were collected in all the harbours 

pr^ect. ^^^% *^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Normandy and Brittany; 

Brest, Toulon, and Dunkirk, were filled with 
ships of war. The plan included a simultaneous attack on the 
coasts of England, Scotland, and Ireland. 

However, in order to execute this plan, it was necessary to 
get the armaments out to sea ; and this was long found to be 
impossible owing to the vigilance of the English Admirals. 
Boscawen with the Mediterranean fleet cruised before the 

'J • in 

port of Toulon, where M. de la Clue was waiting eagerly for 
an opportunity to escape. The Brest division under M. de 
Conflans was blockaded by Sir Edward Hawke. Thurot and 

his squadron were similarly prisoners in the har- 
fleets"^^ hour of Dunkirk. Still, in spite of these tre-' 

mendous efforts, Pitt was able to despatch' 
Admiral Saunders to the St. Lawrence with some frigates for. 
the siege of Quebec ; Admiral Pococke rode triumphant off the. 
Coromandel Coast of India; Keppel and his bhie-jackets 
effected the reduction of Goree ; while a great expedition 
swooped into the West Indies and pounced on the valuable 
Island of Guadaloupe. 

The events of the year, however, were undoubtedly the suc- 
cesses in European waters. In July, Admiral 
b^°^b^^d George Rodney anchored in the roads of Havre,. 

' Havre. ^^^ bombarded the town for fifty-two hours^ till 

houses, churches, flat-bottomed boats, all rose in 
one huge sacrificial flame to the manes of Choiseul's projected 
invasion. 

In the same month. Admiral Boscawen drew off his ships 
from before Toulon to refit and provision at Gibraltar. Out 
flew De la Clue, like a rat released from a trap, and ran for the 
^ Straits under cover of the African coast. He 
Lagos.^ ° was sighted, however, off Gibraltar, and Bos- 

cawen at once gave chase. A desperate engage- 
ment ensued off Lagos on the coast of Portugal, August 18th, 
in which three French ships were taken and two burnt. De 
la Clue, with the fragments of his fleet, fled to Cadiz, where 
Boscawen continued the blockade with the same vigilance all 
through the winter. 

M. de Conflans, after waiting the greater part of the year 
cooped up in Brest harbour, succeeded at last in putting to sea 



QUIBERON. , 195' 



with twenty-one sail of the line and four frigates. Hawke, wlio 
had been swept off the coast by a terrific storm, pursued at once, 
and met the Frenchman in Quiberou Bay. Con- 
flans drew his ships into the mouth of the Hawke's 
Yilaine — a dangerous coast, bristling with granite n^^^i^^^ ^^ 
rocks and shallowing suddenly into shoals and ^^y 1759^ 
quicksands. Hawke ordered his pilot to lay him 
alongside the Erench Admiral, though the sea was rolling moun- 
tains high, and the pilot himself shuddered at the frightful risk. 
The English ships advanced in no particular order amid a 
furious cannonade, each striving to get at the enemy. Many of 
them never got into action at all, and a few went aground 
among the shoals. The victory, however, was complete. Two 
Erench ships were sunk by the English guns ; two more struck ; 
many went aground and knocked their bottoms out on the 
rocks. Seven ships of the line and four frigates sank while 
flying up the Charente. The rest escaped ; but Hawke was 
convinced that had not the sun gone down so soon on the 
battle he would have captured every one. So ended the great 
invasion scheme. Eor though Thurot got out of 
Dunkirk and cruised in 1760 off the north of 
Ireland, he was chased and caught by Captain Elliot off Car- 
rickfergus, where he died fighting bravely to the last, and his 
three ships were taken captive to the Isle of Man. 

Important and glorious as were all the numerous victories of 
this extraordinary year, the great success of Quiberon was un- 
doubtedly that which secured to England the supremacy of the 
seas which became her proudest boast. Hitherto France and 
Spain had disputed with her the mastery with humiliating suc- 
cess ; and though a series of disasters during the Austrian Sue- 
cession War had crippled both the French and Spanish marine, 
yet the daring energy of Choiseul had enabled 
them to fuUy recover from the decadence of that pj,^^acT'of 
period. The fall of Minorca had struck terror to England, 
the hearts of all Englishmen. * The threat of 
invasion, so often repeated, acquired a reality of form which pro- 
duced a general cry for Hessians, Hanoverians, any sort of 
mercenaries, to save us from the savage Frenchmen. But from 
the day of Quiberon the ships of England have formed a solid 
bulwark, which no superiority of force on the part of the enemy 
could destroy. Kivalry of any kind slowly but surely ended in 
the ruin of the presumptuous nation that attempted it. And at 

o 2 



196 Naval War. 



last when all Europe was desolated by the march of the Gallic 
invader and half the capitals of Europe had resounded with the 
loud tramp of ^Napoleon's legions, England alone had never felt 
the tread of a conqueror, England could proudly boast that the 
Emperor's power had never extended to the smallest fraction of 
the sea. 



Black Hole, 197 



CHAPTEE lY. 

WAR IN INDIA, 1756-60, 

Section I.— Bengal and CUve, 1756-60. 

In 1756 Clive returned from England as Governor of Eort St. 
David. It happened, by a remarkable coincidence, that the 
day he landed was rendered memorable by a deed of extra- 
ordinary atrocity, at the thought of which even . , 
now our blood runs cold. Surajah Dowlah, the Dowiah. 
Nabob of Bengal, was a miserable debauchee, 
whose youth had been spent in the torture of animals, and who 
now in the plenitude of power amused himself with the suf- 
ferings of human beings. He regarded the English with ignorant 
contempt, and openly expressed his opinion that there were 
not 10,000 men in all Europe. This ridiculous and ferocious 
despot took it extremely iU that the English presumed to fortify 
the town of Calcutta, while his cupidity was excited by the 
reports of their supposed riches. He therefore besieged and 
took Calcutta, in spite of a ^vigorous defence directed by Mr. 
Holwell, a Company's servant, who had assmned the command, 
when the Governor deserted it. Very little trea-. 
sure, however, was found ; and, on the whole, The Black 
the Nabob was very indignant. Still he pro- ^almitt^ 
mised the English captives that their lives should 1753^ 
be spared. The guard, however, with reckless 
cruelty secured them in the prison, or Black Hole of the Eort — 
146 people in a cell intended to hold only six, and this amid 
the raging heat of the Indian summer solstice. The narratives 
of the night which followed are almost too horrible for repro- 
duction. But the dreadful scenes of madness and suffocation 
were only received by the guard with shouts of fiendish laughter. 
In the morning twenty-three ghastly figures staggered out be- 
tween two huge heaps of the dead. At the hideous news a 



198 War in India. 



general cry went up for vengeance on Surajah Dowlah. After 
some delay an expedition started for Bengal. The fleet was 
commanded by Admiral Watson, ^ine hundred Europeans and 
fifteen hundred Sepoys formed the army of Clive. Having to 
make their way against adverse winds, they did not reach the 
mouth of the Hoogley till December. Once landed, however, 
the energy of Clive made up for everything. He routed the 
Hindoo garrison of Fort William, recovered Calcutta, stormed 
and sacked the native town of Hoogley. The Nabob, enraged 
at this act of defiance, marched his entire army towards Cal- 
cutta. A heavy repulse, however, frightened him so con- 
T at be- siderably, that he agreed to anything, and even 

tween the implored an alliance with England. Strangely 

Company and enough the Presidency of Calcutta consented to 
Surajah this degrading transaction on the condition of 

recovering their stations and privileges, in spite of 
the indignant protests of Clive. 

The face of affairs, however, quickly changed. War had 
broken out in Europe between England and France. Clive and 
Admiral Watson therefore directed their forces against the 
French colony of Chandernagore, and speedily reduced it. This 

infuriated Surajah Dowlah, for he had hoped to 
Treachery of balance his obnoxious friends, the English, by 
Dowlah. ^^^ French. He therefore made overtures to 

Bussy, the French commander in the Deccan. 
Unfortunately, however, for him, copies of his letters fell into 
the hands of the English, thus putting them on their guard 
against his treachery. Satisfied that there could be neither 
peace nor trade in Bengal until there was a change in the 
Government, Clive determined that the Nabob must be de- 
throned. He therefore entered into a plot with Meer Jaffier, 
the "Nabob's General-in-chief, for the deposition of Surajah 
Dowlah. The latter was so unpopular that most of his prin- 
cipal officers readily joined in the conspiracy. At the very last, 
however, Omichund, a wealthy Bengalee, who had acted as 
agent between Meer Jaffier and Clive, took advantage of his 
position to demand extraordinary terms. He insisted that he 

should be given 300,000Z. for his services, with- 
The plot Q^t which he would betray the plot to the JSTabob, 

Suraiah ^^^ would at once have sacrificed to his resent- 

Dowlah. ment all the conspirators he could lay hands on. 

The wily Bengalee, moreover, insisted that a stipu- 



Plassey, 199 

lation to that effect should be inserted in the treaty with Meer 
Jaffier. Omichund, in fact, was a crafty, scheming villain, who 
played high for an enormous stake. Clive, however, met craft 
with craft \ and though he thereby left a dark stain on his own 
reputation, he undoubtedly saved the lives of the English envoy 
and the native conspirators. Two treaties were drawn up — a 
real one on white paper, which said nothing about Omichund ; 
and a false one on red paper containing the required stipulation. 
Clive and the Fort William Grovernment signed both treaties ; 
but as Admiral Watson, with bluff, sailor honesty, declined to 
have anything to do with the fraudulent one, Clive forged his 
name. This has been vituperated at times as Clivers crowning 
villainy, far surpassing even the iniquity of duping the miserable 
rascal with the fictitious treaty. But it must be remembered 
that Omichund was far too cunning a scoundrel not to notice 
the absence of such an important name. The false treaty itself 
may be condemned, but without the forgery it must have been 
a dismal failure. 

CHve now, after defying the Nabob, and reproaching him 
with his faithlessness, marched straight on Moorshedabad, and 
inflicted on him a crushing defeat at Plassey, 1757, in spite of 
the enormous numerical superiority of the Native ^ - 

army. This victory secured the ascendency of Bengal. 
the English in India. From that day the Hindoos 
began to distrust their own strength, and tremble at the 
mysterious power of the great Company, which struck such 
terrific blows from such a distance. Hitherto the princes had 
regarded Europeans sometimes with ignorant contempt, some- 
times merely with hatred. The day of Plassey gave birth to a 
new feeling — that of fear. In spite of the overwhelming 
numbers of the Nabob's army, his heavy train of artillery, his for- 
midable cavalry, and his still more formidable elephants, a scanty 
band of Englishmen had driven the whole mass in hideous 
panic like sheep before them, had hurled the Nabob from his 
throne, and set up their own nominee in his place. Naturally 
the prestige of such a victory over the armies of Hindostan 
invested Englishmen for the future with a mysterious, almost 
superstitious, reverence in the eyes of the natives. 

The immediate result of the battle was the assassination of 
Surajah Dowlah, and the investment of Meer Jaffier with the 
crowns of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. In return the grateful 
■Nabob conferred on the Company the district round Calcutta ; 



200 War in India. 



and lavished vast sums on his benefactors, Clive and the 
Government of Calcutta. 

Thus the English had at last obtained a secure footing in 

Bengal. Before Clive returned to England again 

England -^^ yj^^^ j^^ j^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ Company from any future 

Beng^al.^ ^^ competition on the part of the Dutch by destroying' 
a large expedition from Java, which was intended to 
restore the importance of their factory of Chinsurah in Bengal.: 
This success was followed up by a complete victory over Shah 
Allum, the son of the Great Mogul, who had presumed to 
threaten the security of Meer Jaffier. 



Section 2. — Madras and Ooote, 1758-60. 

In 1758 the seat of war was transferred to the Carnatic, 
where the Count de Lally ToUendal, an officer of Irish extrac- 
tion, arrived in April with large reinforcements. Had they 
come out in the preceding year they might have mastered the 
whole south of India, while Clive was occupied in Bengal. 
As it was, by June Lally had destroyed Fort St. David ; and 
it was only a violent quarrel, which broke out between him 
_ .. and the Governor of Pondicherry, that saved 

Madras from falling into the hands of the French 
for the second time. Lally, in fact, was a man born out of 
due time. He did not understand India, or the Indians ; still 
less did he understand the system of government pursued by 
the officers of the French Company. He enraged the natives 
by insulting their religious opinions, and disregarding their 
cherished distinctions of caste ; he provoked a general official 
outcry against him by interfering with the lucrative jobs 
which crippled the administration ; he vented his indignation 
in bitter sarcasms, which drew blood wherever they fell. The 
result was that he found himself baulked and thwarted in 
every way ; he could ijot obtain materials or provisions for an 
extended campaign ; and he was obliged to waste his strength 
in beating the air. ^ 

Meanwhile the English drew their resources slowly together. 
Sieee of Reinforcements and stores were sent from Bom- 

Madras, 1759. ^^y* ^o when Lally was at last able to open 

lines before Madras, the hour of success had 
really gone by, and the siege was a failure. Fresh troops, 



Wandewash, 201 



moreover, arrived under Colonel Eyre Coote ; the English were 
soon strong enough to assume the offensive. And so, early in 
1760, they marched out of their intrenchments, and a great 
battle took place along the base of the mountains of Wande- 
wask Though Lally displayed the utmost gallantry, the 
daring bravery of the English troops was irresistible ; and the 
Sepoys had the opportunity of observing how Europeans be- 
haved in action against one another. This 
victory was shortly followed by the reduction of the Carnatic. 
Pondicherry, and the French power in India was 
practically at an end. Pondicherry was restored to the French 
at the peace, but it was dismantled, and the French gave up 
all right to any military establishment in India for the future. 
From this time, therefore, they were practically excluded from 
the country ; and though again and again French adventurers 
commanded the armies of native princes, French fleets hung 
threateningly off the coast, and rumours of French invasion 
fiUed the air ; yet never again as a nation were they able to 
dispute the supremacy of India with the English, For the 
future the wars of the English in India were waged with 
native princes only. 



Section 3. — Clivers Later Years, 1760-74. 

On his return Clive was raised to the Irish peerage, re- 
ceived with great distinction by George III., and publicly 
complimented by Ministers in the House of 
Commons. Nor was it beyond his deserts. EngUnd 
Since the death of Wolfe, he was the only 
general of whom the English had any reason to be really 
proud; for though the triumphs of the fleet had been great 
and splendid, there had been very little done on land except 
by Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, — and he was a foreigner. 
The wealth of Clive was now so enormous, in consequence 
of the immense sums bestowed on him by Meer JajBfier, that he 
was soon able to buy up a considerable interest in the India 
House, and the support of a large number of dependents in the 
House of Commons. 
, In 1765, however, he was once again in Calcutta. Circum- 



202 TVar in India. 



stances imperatively required his presence. The Government 

of Fort William had ruled extremely badly during 
Misgovern- j^-g absence. They had ground down the natives 

BeneaT ^'^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ exaction in order to 

furnish fortunes for English adventurers. They 
had quarrelled with Meer Jaffier, deposed him, and exalted 
Meer Cossim in his place. They had then quarrelled with, Meer 
Cossim, and the latter, after a hideous massacre of all the 
English in Patna (1763), had fled to the dominions of the 
Nabob of Oude to the North- West of Bengal. The country, 
in fact, was in a terrible state ; war was breaking out on the 
frontier, insubordination was rife in the army, every kind of 
iniquity and excess disgraced the administration of the Com- 
pany's servants. It was felt that Clive alone could restore order 
and prosperity ; he was therefore sent out with full powers. 

During the year and a half of his government he effected 
a most extensive and a salutary reform. He prohibited the 
practice of receiving presents from the natives. He rigidly 
put down the private trade of the Company's servants. At 
the same time he increased their salaries. Therefore, in spite 
of a general outcry, he put an end to the iniquitous practices, 

by which huge fortunes had been made in India; 
Clive's ^ v^^hile at the same time he gave to every official 

BengaL ^^ ^^ *^^® Company in India the means of acquiring 

slowly, but surely, a decent competence. In the 
course of his retrenchments he had to deal with a determined 
mutiny among the officers of the native army. Clive, however, 
was equally determined to pursue his own course ; the Sepoys 
remained faithful ; and the mutineers were cowed into submis- 
sion. To Clive, therefore, belongs the glory of having rescued 
the administration of Bengal from the lowest depth of corrup- 
tion and infamy, — in fact, of having saved the English from 
themselves as he had saved them from Surajah Dowlah. This 
third visit of Clive formed the date when the power of the 
Company was placed on a more definite footing in Bengal. He 
obtained from the Great Mogul, the nominal Emperor of India, 
a document empowering the Company to collect the revenues 
of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa. Erom this time therefore the 
Company — though some descendant of Meer Jaffier continued 
to hold the title and draw the salary of the Nabob of Bengal — 
were the real rulers, having cast a thin veil of legality over 
their title by the commission of the Mogul. 



Cliv^s End. 203 



On Olivers return to England in 1767 he attached himself 
to the party of George Grenville; and thereby increased the 
number of his enemies, who were already numerous enough. 
Unfortunately the impulse towards reform which 
he had communicated to the administration in ^^^^®'s un- 
India did not last long, when his master-hand ^°^^ *^^*^* 
was removed. The abuses he had endeavoured to suppress, 
revived and flourished again in rank luxuriance. Hideous 
stories of oppression, cruelty, and famine, were dimly heard in 
England with shuddering horror. His enemies made use of 
them against Clive. He was charged with being the author of 
it all j he was taunted with having built up his huge fortune 
on a foundation of human bones. The very peasantry avoided 
his house in Surrey, and whispered under their breath that he 
had ordered the walls to be built so thick and so strong, that 
he might defy the Devil when he came to claim his own. 

In 1772 matters had reached such a crisis in India that 
Ministerial interference was absolutely necessary. Olive's 
enemies took advantage of the general feeling to 
attack him openly in Parliament. An inquiry ^n^l^ °^ 
into his conduct was begun. It revealed much 
in his early career that was assailable on grounds of strict 
morality ; but the general voice of posterity has confirmed the 
resolution of the House of Oommpns, " That Robert, Lord Olive, 
had at the same time rendered great and meritorious services to 
his country." 

Disease, however, inactivity, and the malignity of his enemies, 
all reacted with dangerous violence on his brain, . 

and brought on again those fits of melancholy to ^^ ^^^^^ ®" 
which he had been so subject in early years. In 1774 he 
attempted his own life, for the third time, with fatal success. 






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206 William Pitt the Elder. 



CHAPTEE Y. ' 

WILLIAM PITT THE ELDER, 1757-61. 

William Pitt was born in November, 1708. His grandfather 
had made a large fortune by the sale of a diamond to the 
Regent Orleans, with which he had bought estates and rotten, 
boroughs. Young Pitt was educated at Eton and Oxford, 
without exciting any particular notice among his companions 
or pedagogues. On the death of his father he entered the 
army as cornet in the Blues. In 1735 he took his seat for the 

family borough of Old Sarum, and soon became a 
h'Vtory • prominent member of the Opposition. His attacks 

* on Walpole determined the latter to ''muzzle this 

it terrible cornet of horse ;" and he was dismissed the service. He 
was no loser, however. He became Groom of the Bedchamber 
to Frederic, Prince of Wales, who admired the open . abuse 
which Pitt had lavished on Walpole's poHcy. Erom this time 
he formed part of the Opposition which attacked Walpole and 
Carteret, and is identified with all their acts, until Henry 
Pelham admitted him to the Broad-Bottomed Ministry in 
1746. 

' There is hardly another instance in the annals of England 
where the united voice of posterity and contemporary history 
have combined so unanimously to recognize the real greatness 
of any statesman. And yet many have conferred as great 
benefits on their country; few have laboured under much 
greater errors and defects. But the genius of Pitt was of such 
a dazzling nature that it impressed and awed all that he came 
in contact with. His ascendency over his contemporaries was 
so commanding^ that at home no man could be foUnd daring, 
enough to face the terrible force of his invective ; abroad his 

name, like that of Coeur de Lion, was a spell to 
nis oratory; conjure with. The most turbulent member of 



Pitt's Purity, 207 



the House of Commons quailed before the flash of his eye ; the 
mere mention of his name would silence the most arrogant and 
hoastful Frenchman. He was an orator of the highest order. 
And yet he was not strong in elaborate argument or accurate 
statement ; he was not a great debater in the modern sense of 
the word ; he did not rely on sarcasm, fancy, pathos, to catch 
the sympathy of his audience. He never made the slightest 
attempt at preparation or calculation of the effect of his words. 
Not till he was on his legs did he know as a rule what he was 
going to say, and then all that was in his mind came out. The 
secret of his success lay in his great knowledge of the art of 
controlling and swaying a great assembly. He could carry the 
most hostile House of Commons so completely along with him, 
that friends and enemies alike hung breathless on his utterance. 
No man ever took more liberties with his audience, and no man 
did it more successfully. He established a tyranny over the 
House the like of which has never been seen since. His 
strength lay in his terrible invective, and his commanding 
manner. He could wither any one, who presumed to oppose him, 
with a torrent of the most stinging denunciation ; and he used 
his power without the slightest scruple. One cause of his suc- 
cess no doubt lay in the fact that he had every personal advantage 
that an orator could choose. His form was imposing and 
graceful ; his voice clear and melodious ; his eye, " like Mars', 
to threaten and command." 

His greatest quality was his entire freedom from any suspicion 
of corruption. Though he was a poor man at ^^^ . . 
a time when the general tone of political mo- ^ ^ * 

rality was extremely low, no breath of slander ever blurred 
his reputation^ this respect. In Opposition, and in office, he 
preserved his character free from this too common staiu. His 
disinterestedness was most conclusively shown in 1746, when 
he became Paymaster of the Forces. There were certain regular 
perquisites attached to the office in war time, which were 
distinctly illegal, but had always been accepted by his prede- 
cessors, and rendered the position extremely lucrative. Pitt, 
though certainly a poorer man than any who had filled this ^i^, 
post before, refused to continue a course which he considered 
illegal, and which undoubtedly was a veiled form of peculation 
of the public money. iSTor would he under any pretext accept 
what every man in the kingdom would have considered him 
perfectly right in receiving. This extraordinary disinterested- 



i"' 



208 ' William Pitt the Elder. 



ness made him the idol of the people. In return 
larity^^' > he sympathized with the great unrepresented 
* masses, and relied on public opinion for support, 

rather than any parliamentary connection. This at the time 
was really a mistake, for though the powerful tide of national 
indignation at the calamities which began the Seven Years* 
War, was sufficient to float him over all obstacles to the 
highest point of power, yet when the war was no longer necessary, 
when the wave of popular feeling had subsided, Pitt was left 
high and dry on the barren eminence without the^ slightest 
parliamentary support or connection to cling to, which might 
have enabled him to avoid being swept away by the rising 
influence of the Crown and the new Tory party. At the same 
time he never hesitated to place himself in opposition to national 
feeling when he considered that the nation was in the wrong. He 

earnestly pleaded for Byng ; he defended the resis- 
liis courage ; ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Americans ; he rebuked the national 

hostility towards the Scots, which was the result of the general 
hatred of Bute. This alone is a sufficient proof of his courage. 
Perhaps no man, however, exhibited greater inconsistencies . 
in his career than Pitt ; and yet his defects are 
his incon- almost forgotten and his talents alone remembered. 

* Prom the moment he entered Parliament down 

to 1746, when he took office under Pelham, he had devoted 
himself to censuring the measures of Walpole and Carteret. He 
denounced the whole Walpole policy, and thundered against the 
standing army. He inveighed against Hanover, Carteret, and the 
Hanoverian subsidies, and declared that England was being sacri- 
ficed to a miserable Electorate. He was one of the most prominent 
of the party who had driven England into the Spanish War, and 
had tried to force on the impeachment of Walpole. And yet when " -' -' ' 
Pelham ottered iiim the Paymastership he suddenly became con- 
verted. Ptoot and branch he had condemned the Walpole policy. 
Eoot and branch he now accepted it. He advocated the mainte- 
nance of the standing army even after the termination of the war.- 
He supported the Hanoverian subsidies. He defended the Peace 
of Aix-la-Chapelle, in which the right of search was not even 
mentioned. When he assumed the management of affairs himself, 
he went still further. He carried the subsidy system to an 
extent which no Minister had ever dreamt of before. He 
enlisted whole regiments of Highlanders into the standing army. 
He waged war on the Continent on the most costly and unpre- 



] J ] 



Pitt's Faults, 209 



cedented scale. Inconsistencies like these would have ruined 
a smaller man ; and yet the extraordinary part is that Pitt's 
explanation was perfectly good and consistent. He had advo- 
cated the abolition of the right of search in headstrong vouth : 
maturer reflection had shown him that Spain never could and 
never would give it up, and that the question 
had practically been settled in favour of England, o^^i^m *^°^ 
He had inveighed against Hanoveriail subsidies ' 

for such purely Hanoverian purposes as the support of the 
Emperor Charles VII. \ the question, however, had become 
thoroughly English; Hanover was threatened on account of 
England ; the war had developed into a vast struggle between 
England and France for the colonial and commercial supremacy 
of the world ; the question was to be fought out in Germany, 
where France could be attacked at her most vital point. The 
Jacobite Insurrection had converted him to the necessity for a 
standing army, for he saw that a strong standing army would 
have prevented the humiliating and ridiculous march to Derby. 
These arguments are good and natural ; and yet few men could 
have survived the suspicions which they laid him open to. 
Pitt's moral ascendency, however, is not in the slightest shaken by 
them, so overpowering is the glamour with which true greatness 
invests a statesman. His character, too, was stained by reckless 
ingratitude to his benefactor, !N"ewcastle, which could only have 
sprung from the disappointed bitterness of a baffled place-hunter. 
His insolence and servility to royalty were almost 
equal. He could criticize the king in terms which *^^^ ^®^®^*^ ' 
gentlemanly feeling, if nothing else, should have prevented him 
using; but at the levee he would bow so low that it was a com- 
mon joke that the tip of his hooked nose could be seen through 
his legs. His arrogance was perfectly extraordinary. It was 
veiled at times by a mock affectation of humility, which was 
more offensive even than open insolence. This defect increased 
as years rolled on, and made it almost intolerable to have 
to serve with him. It was this, joined to disease, almost 
approaching madness, which caused the shipwreck of his second 
Ministry. 

But with all his faults he was the greatest man of his time. 
He raised England from the depth of disaster and despair to 
a pitch of unprecedented glory and prosperity. The state of 
England in the year 1756 was positively pitiable. The people 
were in momentary dread of an invasion. Their only hope lay 

p 



210 William Pitt the Elder, 



in hired regiments of Hessians arid Hanoverians, 
greatness; ^j^^j^ ^^^ hated so much, that the poor wretches 

ran a narrow chance of being starved or frozen to death. The 
most patriotic statesmen despaired for England, and thought 
that the hour of her ruin had now come. " Whoever is in, or 
whoever is out," wrote Chesterfield, " I am sure we are undone 
both at home and abroad." But the disasters which began the 
war, — the loss of Minorca and Hanover, the disgrace of Hasten- 
beck and Kloster-Seven, the failures of Kochefort and Louisburg, 
the rout of Kolin and evacuation of Bohemia, — only served to 
thrust Pitt more prominently to the front ; and the difficulties 
he had to deal with only brought more strongly into play all the 
resources of that transcendent genius. The details of the public 
service he left to his subordinates. The plans of campaign he 
entrusted entirely to his Generals. His part was to discover 
talent and resolution in the men he had to deal with, and to turn 
it to his purpose ; to restore vigour to every branch of the de^ 
crepit administration, to revive the hopes and patriotism of the 
nation, and to inspire his instruments with his ot\ti determined 
confidence and daring. He introduced new ideas of British 
dignity, and making it his ideal that England must attain the 
position of complete supremacy in Europe, he gradually raised 
her to an unequalled pitch of power. He introduced new 
maxims of war, which the execution of Byng gave point to. 
Hitherto British commanders had devoted more attention to the 
safety of their own ships than the destruction of the enemy's. 
!N"ow the corpse of the murdered Admiral dangled before their 
eyes, much as the guillotine floated darkly before the imagination 
of the French Kevolutionary Generals. The country was deter- 
mined to win great and brilliant successes \ and, as nothing less 
would be accepted, every one from the Commodore to the cabin- 
boy devoted all his energies to attaining this glorious result. 
We have seen how in consequence the French marine was ' 
gradually driven off the seas by the heroic daring of Hawke and 
Boscawen ; but it was the genius of Pitt which inspired them 
•. all. He introduced new principles into the admi^ 

liehtened nistration. Hitherto men had relied on family and 

policy ; Court influence or corruption for advancement. A 

bribe to a Minister, or a distant relationship to a 
Duke, produced twice the effect at the Horse Guards that any 
amount of glorious victories would do. Promotion went solely 
by seniority or influence, and the result had been that " never 



Pitt's Grea tness. 211 

Tbefore among the rational sons of Adam were armies sent out on 
such terms— namely, without a General, or with no General 
understanding the least of his business — soldiers led by a 
courageous Wooden Pole with a cocked hat on it." All this was 
changed by Pitt ; merit began to be the only ground recognized 
for service or promotion. On this principle he employed young 
men like Amherst, Wolfe, Clive, who had nothing to recommend 
them but the fire of genius dwelling within them. On this 
principle he requested Frederic II. to provide him with a 
General to command the army in Germany, instead of the 
"courageous Eoyal Wooden Pole with a cocked hat on it," 
Tvhich had brought nothing but disgrace on the nation. How 
much true greatness of soul was involved in that one avowal 
that England could produce no General fit for the command, and 
must seek one from the upstart kingdom of Prussia. Few 
would have thought of it ; fewer dared to do it. 

War conducted in this way could not fail to be successful ; 
and the English moved from victory to victory, 
tOl the year 1759 gave them not only India and ^i^iiL . 
America, but also the supremacy of the seas. 
The English exports increased arinually; and in 1758, when 
France had declared herself bankrupt, and Prussia/ was practi- 
cally so, the English exports were greater than at the peace of 
Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Detractors of Pitt may, however, very justly urge that the 
war had in its later stages reaUy become unnecessary. If Pitt 
had seriously desired peace, he could have obtained it easily, for 
France was reduced to the last extremity of ruin and distress. 
•But he had no real desire for peace. He was not 
content with having annihilated the fleets and l^\^^^ 
armies of France, but wished to deprive her of all unnecessary, 
her colonial empire and her share in the !N"ew- 
ifltundland fisheries. The memory of the treaties of Utrecht and 
Aix stiU rankled in the minds of the people ; for advantageous 

r as they had been to England, they were regarded as national 
disasters, and so the whole nation supported him eagerly in his 
determination to throw France on her back, especially as the 

I EngHsh victories, unlike the Prussian, had been very bloodless. 

The result of his national and patriotic policy, and the general 

feeling that he was the only man who could manage the war, waa 

to entirely destroy the strife of parties for the time, and to pro- 

I duce a complete unanimity, undisturbed even by Jacobitism, 



212 William Pitt the Elder. 



whicli had died out in England, arid in Scotland 
of^iarUes^ had been turned into national channels by the 

enlistment of the Jacobite clans for the American 
war. It appears to have been a settled policy of his to smooth 
over all party differences. After his resignation he said he was 
under great obligations to many Tory gentlemen who had sup- 
ported the Grovernment with all the enthusiasm of the Whigs. 
In his militia appointments he entirely neglected all party 
distinctions ; and Horace Walpole alludes to this conduct as a 
well-known design for breaking up and uniting the remnants of 
the old parties. The principal events of Pitt's career of office 
have been narrated in the history of the war. At home there 
was little to attract attention, owing to the extraordiriary union 
of the Ministry. This was maialy the result of the tacit 
agreement between Pitt and !N'ewcastle that the former should do 
everything, the latter give everything. 

But the personal questions, which had superseded the party 

questions smoothed over by Pelham and crushed 
the explosion, ^^wn by Pitt, still smouldered dangerously far 

out of sight, and ready to break out again when 
the unusual pressure created by the war was removed. The 
appearance of affairs, therefore, at the end of the reign of George 
II. was deceptive. It was the calm which precedes the tornado. 

GENEALOGY OF THE GEENYILLES AJSTD PITTS. 

Hester, Countess Temple = Rictiai-d Grenville. 



W. Pitt, = Heater Richabd, Geokge, 

Earl of Grenville. E. Temple; Prime Minister, 

Chatham. d. 1779. 1763-65 ; d. 1770. 

I ! <- 

I I I I ~~\ [ 

John, William, Hester, Geobge, Thomas, William 

Earl of Prime m. 3rd Earl Earl Temple, d, 1846. Wtndham, 

Chatham. Minister, Stanhope. 1779. (India Bill, Lord Grenville. 

1783-1801, 1783.) Marquis Prime 

1804-1806. of Buckingham, 1784; Minister, 

d. 1813, 1806-7 ; d.1834, 



George III. 213 



ISoofe FI*— BREAK UP OF THE WHIG 
OLIGARCHY, 1760-70. 



CHAPTER I. 

PERIOD OF BUTE, 1760-65. 

Section 1. — George II L 

George III. was twenty -two years old when Ms grandfather 
died. He was an indolent boy of only respectable 
abilities ; scrupulous, dutiful, narrow-minded, and ^^^ ^°^* 
easily prejudiced against anything which did not fall in with his 
views. His education had been sadly neglected. Such as it 
was, it was scarcely adapted to fit him for the part he was des- 
tined to play, being founded mainly on the Jacobite theories of 
kingship which had become an anachronism. The most im- 
portant person in the princess's household was the Earl of Bute, 
— an insignificant Scotchman with talents of the most mediocre 
character, — ^who had held an office under Erederic, Prince of 
iifales, and after a short interval of retirement on the latter's 
death, had returned to manage the household of the young 
Prince. The intimate and confidential relations of this man 
with the Princess gave rise to a good deal of scandal, which was 
probably all grossly untrue. In this atmosphere of mediocrity 
George gradually attained man's estate ; and under the guiding 
influence of Bute he acquired those theories of monarchy and 
the importance of his own position, which led him into such 
fatal errors later in life. 

His private character was estimable and respectable. He was 
a good son, good husband, good father. His own gVoracter • 
iife was scrupulously pure ; and under the strict * 



214 Period of Bute. 



regime of the new reign the coarseness and open immorality, 
which had been the chief characteristic of the first two Hano- 
verian Courts, sank into fitting seclusion. He was honestly and 
sincerely pious. His courage, moreover, was undoubted, and was 
exhibited on many occasions when danger had paralyzed his 
attendants. 

But with all these good qualities he was one of the worst 
Vings that England was ever afflicted with. His very virtues 

became baneful, for they blinded the eyes of 

®^ ^' numbers to the evil which he really worked. He 

deliberately opposed himself to liberty wherever, and in what- 
ever form he met it. He resisted all attempts to ameliorate the 
miserable position of the Roman Catholics. He strongly op- 
posed any scheme for the better government of Ireland. He 
steadily refused to hear of Parliamentary or Economical Re- 
form, solely on the ground that it would be prejudicial to the 
power of the monarchy. He supported and encouraged the 
proceedings against the printers, which were avowedly intended 
to place a considerable limitation on the freedom of the press. 
He strained all the powers of the executive in order to furth^ 
the tyrannical persecution to which Wilkes was so long a victim. 
He drove America into revolt; and set himself to reconquer: 
her to slavery by force of arms. Fortunately he succeeded m 
none of these cherished schemes for long ; but his temporary 
success was in all cases productive of great harm to the develop- 
ment of England. 

There is singular irony in the fact that his succession was 
hailed with universal rejoicing. The dynastic struggle which 
had troubled the reigns of the first two Hanoverian kings, was 
now at an end. The Pretender, sunk in low debauchery and 
constant intoxication, had lost all hold on England, all respect 
in other countries. George was, as he himself said, an English- 
man. He understood the English language. It was believed. 

that he had been thoroughly instructed as to the 
ar y opes. nature of the English Constitution. He had also 
a certain amount of hereditary right to the crown, for it had 
come to him by descent through three ancestors. The Tory 
party therefore readily transferred to him the old sentiments of 
loyalty which had so long clang round the exiled family..' It 
was imagined that once more the king would select the ablest 
men of both parties, and form an united Ministry including all 
the talent of the country. The extraordinary hopes which. 



George's Despotic Views. 215 

centred round the new king are in striking analogy to the en- 
thusiasm with which the accession of Louis XYI. was hailed in 
France as the beginning of a new and golden era. They were 
destined to be little justified by the results. 

George had been indoctrinated by his Jacobite tutors with 
the theory of monarchy set forth in Bolingbroke's *^ Patriot 
King." This little treatise professes to enunciate the true ideal 
of beneficent monarchy, in which the king — a 
paternal despot of the most exalted character — theofv of 
governs solely in the interests of his subjects, not kingship ; 
because he is obliged to by any constitutional re- 
strictions, but simply because it is his good pleasure so to do. Jt 
was this ideal which George always had before his eyes, singularly 
enough, even when perpetrating his most arbitrary acts. The ex- 
planation of this extraordinary paradox lies in the fact that he 
regarded Wilkes, Liberty, America, Toleration, as so many 
obstacles which lay between him and the realization of his ideal, 
and which therefore must be swept ruthlessly away. For in 
George's eyes the end which he aimed at was sufficiently lofty 
and enlightened to ennoble the means, however base and de- 
graded. The object, however, for which he plotted and worked 
all through his life, was practically the re-establishment of the 
personal authority of the Crown, which had so long been under 
an eclipse. He designed to scatter the shadows which obscured 
this bright luminary, so that it might once more shine forth 
beneficent on the nation. He attributed all the evils of party 
struggles which had fallen on the country to the diminution of 
the royal power. This had prevented the Crown from acting as 
mediator .between the various parties and governing by means of 
the ablest men of each. He did not see that personal govern- 
ment had become an anachronism. He did not ^^ mistake • 
realize that the petty mounds, which he set him- 
self to level, concealed behind them range on range of granite 
clifts, and that it was only his own feeble stature which re- 
moved the latter from his view. 

With this theory in his mind, his first object was naturally 
to break up the strong phalanx of the great Whig Houses, 
which had so long held the king in leading-strings. Pitt's 
Mini&tfy must faU ; Pitt himself be driven from office ; and a 
new Government formed in which every member was to be 
to a certain extent dependent on the Crown. ^.^ ^^^^^ 
He designed to avail himself of the personal 



216 Period of Bute, 



rivalry already existing between his Ministers in order to 
disunite the Cabinet ; and, by holding out hopes of supremacy 
to all who should be submissive, to produce a general sub- 
servience to his will. Working thus on the general thirst 
for office which was the common attribute of most of the 
prominent statesmen of the time, he intended to form a 
Ministry of the most heterogeneous materials, which should 
contain in itself the seeds of disunion and weakness. When 
he had effectually discredited the chief leaders of the Whig 
party by exhibiting them repeatedly in the light of mere place- 
hunters, and when he had destroyed their power by pitting 
the various sections against one another in the general scramble 
for office, he would seize the opportunity to commit the govern- ' 
ment to some mediocre statesman who would be thoroughly 
obedient to his authority, and who would rely, not so much on 
the solidity of his measures, or on any Parliamentary influence 
of his own, but simply on the steady support of the kitig. In 
order to secure this dependence, George resumed the Crown 
patronage, which had been so long monopolized by Ministers, 
and employed it solely with the view of attaching members of 
Parliament to himself by the hope of obtaining those^ lucrative 
posts and pensions which had hitherto lain in the gift of the 
Prime Minister. In this way he at last succeeded in forming a 
party which was entirely devoted to him. Strict discipline was 
enforced, and the most unquestioning obedience exacted. The 
^ , command of this troop of '' King's Friends " gave 

Friends ^^ ^ ^^® ^^^S ^^ ^ certain extent the control of the 

House. At least he could ensure that no measure 
obnoxious to him should be carried, unless all the various 
scattered sections of the Whig party united in support of it. 
Naturally this gave him, too, a certain control over his Ministers. 
For it is obvious that, unless a Minister possessed a very large 
majority, the transfer of fifty or sixty votes on an important 
question from one side to the other would be quite enough to 
produce a decisive effect on the division. The result was that 
Ministers felt themselves in a great measure dependent on the 
support of the king ; and were rather apt to shirk or suppress 
all legislation to which it was well known that he was distinctly 
opposed. It was this system which George was determined to 
create, and which, after a ten years' struggle with the House of 
Commons, he succeeded in firmly establishing. Prom the year 
1770, with a few exceptions, his will became paramount. His 



George's Dangerous Policy. 217 



> \ » \ 



opposition was enough to throw out any Bill, however necessary 
and salutary. His ill-will proved too much for the enormous 
strength of the Coalition Ministry of 1783. His personal rule 
overbore even the strong individuality of the younger Pitt and 
compelled him to accommodate his principles of government to 
those of the king. On three occasions, however, George found 
himself at fault. A junction of parties enabled his opponents to 
outvote the King's Friends and force the king to receive a 
Ministry whose principles were odious to him as being directly 
hostile to his ascendency. In 1782 the Second Kockingham 
Ministry ; in 1783 the Great Coalition Ministry; and in 1806 
the Ministry of All the Talents, represent the temporary failure 
of George's policy. Even then, however, the influence of the 
king was so strong that he was able to obtain a voice in the 
formation of the Cabinet, and thereby introduce elements of 
discord which were sure to lead eventually to disruption. While 
his facilities for corruption were so enormous that he soon re- 
covered the authority, which he had temporarily lost, over the 
rank and file of the House of Commons, and ruled with 
more absolute sway than ever. It must be remarked that, for 
the sake of convenience, the latter part of the rejgn, during 
which the government was really carried on by the Prince Ee- 
gent on account of his father's madness, may practically be re- 
garded as part of the reign of George III., for the prince pursued 
precisely the same policy with regard to the management of the 
Houses of Parliament as that which his father had inaugurated. 
The most conclusive proof of this lies in the fact that the per- 
sonal influence of George lY. was quite enough to stave off 
ParHamentary Reform until the accession of his brother. 

It must be premised that George IIL's plan was not carried 
out exactly on the lines drawn up by its author. His intention, 
it must be remembered, was to break the power of party and then 
to rule despotically but well. It took him ten years, and cost 
him many humiliations to effect the first part of 
his scheme ; and with regard to the latter, it is position, 
enough to say that after 1770 he ruled despotically 
but not well. He thought that he had to deal solely with the 
prescriptive tenure of office which the Whig Lords had acquired 
by long undisturbed possession during the first two Hanoverian 
reigns ; and he did not see behind them the Constitutional 
Barriers which had been the work of centuries of Parliamentary 
ppposition. The people, however, were as much deceived as to 



218 Period of Bute, 



his intentions as he was with regard to their views. During the 
early years of his reign their sympathy was wholly with him, 
because they thought he only designed to destroy the power of 
the Whig Houses, and did not suspect his more dangerous plot 
against the Constitution itself. Even Junius in his early letters 
refers to the king as the essence of all goodness who is misled 
by malignant Ministers. But during the Ministry of the Duke 
of Grafton there was a general awakening from this delusive 
dream ; and from this time the conflict between the king and 
Constitution was so palpable, that nothing but the excesses of- 
the French Revolution could have once again cast a decent veil 
of loyalty over the abnegation of principle involved in the 
position of the younger Pitt. The true hostility between the 
theories of George III. and the principle of constitutional go- 
vernment may be roughly estimated by a comparison of the ad- 
vantages which he possessed for the execution of his scheme and 
the slender measure of success which he really obtained. 

The advantages which he possessed at the beginning of his 
reign were simply immense. The eighteenth century had 
witnessed the gradual extinction of the old political parties. 
Walpole h^d united Whigs and Tories in opposition, until at 
. last the sole party distinction was that of the Wal- 

the Wkig° poleans against the Anti-Walpoleans. Pelham 

party. ^'^^ I*i^^ ^^^ included in their Ministries men 

who were nominally of every shade of opinion. 
It was therefore evident that the old meaning attached to the 
words Whig, Tory, Jacobite, was entirely lost sight of. Personal 
questions had taken the place of political theories. Granville 
and Newcastle equally, though for different reasons, smarted 
under the ascendency of Pitt. Every statesman aspired to the 
highest place, or at any rate a step higher than the one he 
already occupied. Sections and knots of men were formed 
within the Government which had seemed so united during the 
last years of George II. j and each little group desired to break 
the supremacy of Pitt— not because they objected to his policy, 
but because they hated his dictatorial manner, and hoped to 
mal^e their own advantage in the general disruption. The 
Whig party was therefore in a condition which rendered it 
an easy prey to the tactics of George III. It did not require 
much breaking up. It was already so disintegrated that with 
a httle dexterous handling it would fall to pieces of itself in 
the most natural manner. The personal views of the leaders,' 



New Tory Party, 219 

too, and their eager thirst for place, enabled George to use 
them as he liked, — to discredit them by forcing them into 
"unnatural coalitions " of every kind and thus exhibiting their 
sordid motives in the strongest light ; until all that was left 
of the great Whig party, once so gloriously united, was a 
number of little groups, owing allegiance each to a different 
leader, and distinguishable as a rule in principle, — or rather 
lack of principle, — solely by the fact that the one was more 
i?eady perhaps to accept ofl&ce on any terms than another. 

On the other side the beginning of the reign marks the 
revival of the Tory party. The Tories proper ^^^ ^^^ 
had long suffered a total eclipse under the shadow jQj.y party, 
of the Whig ascendency, which was the result 
of Tory tamperings with Jacobitism. They had gained admis- 
sion to the Cabinets of Pitt and Pelham, but at the price of a 
sacrifice of the principles for which they had suffered proscription. 
Jacobitism, however, was now practically dead. The Stuarts 
were utterly disgraced by the conduct of their last representa- 
tive. And so the Tories transferred their allegiance readily to 
George III., a king exactly after their own heart, who had, 
moreover, a certain amount of hereditary right, sufficient to 
enable them to invest him with the attributes of divine authority 
and passive obedience which had hitherto been reserved exclu- 
sively for the Stuarts. This new-bom loyalty of the Tories 
supplied George with a nucleus for the foundation of that party 
of " King's Friends," which was one of the main branches of his 
policy for restoring the personal ascendency of the Crown. He 
therefore found that he could rely on the consistent support of 
a small but united party from the first ; that there was nothing 
to oppose him but a very weak disintegrated party ; and that 
he might expect the advent of a considerable number of recruits 
in the shape of deserters. He had, moreover, the sympathy of 
the people, who felt that, now that the significance of the old 
watchwords was destroyed, no man of ability ought to be ex- 
cluded any longer from power simply because he was a Tory. 

If, therefore, the king had made use of the popularity, which 
centred round him on his accession, and selected the most 
eminent men of all parties as his Ministers, the general feeling 
of the country would have gone steadily with him. Unfortu- 
nately, however, his somewhat narrow intellect and restricted 
education made him unable to talce a liberal view of his position, 
filled him with a violent prejudice against the whole Whig 



\) 



220 Period of Bute, 



party, and made him rest for support on a second-rate man, -who 
was unpopular, both on account of his Northern nationality, 
and his supposed connection with the Princess of Wales. 

Bedion ±—Pitt and Newcastle, 1760— Maij, 1762. 

The king inaugurated his reign fcy an extremely popular 

measure. The judges, in accordance with the 

1760 "^^^^^^ clause in the Act of Settlement, had held their 

offices under the two first Hanoverian kings 
during good behaviour, being removable only on petition by 
both Houses of Parliament. The highest legal authorities, how- 
ever, held that all royal commissions terminated at the demise of 
the Crown. George therefore requested that a statute should 
be passed as soon as possible declaring that for the future the 
judges should hold their offices for life during good behaviour, 
undisturbed by the demise of the Crown. This measure excited 
a great deal of enthusiasm, and was quoted as a proof of the 
goodness of the king ; but after all it could only affect his 
successor, and was rather a barring of the rights of his posterity 
than a limitation of his own. 

Por the first few days the English language — to borrow from 
the Memoirs of the Cardinal de Eetz— might have been reduced 
to five words, " The king is so good." But this comprehensive 
vocabulary expanded with extraordinary rapidity. 

There were no great changes effected at first, though a few 
indications were given that a new era had set in. 
First, Bute was admitted to the Cabinet as 
Secretary of State. Secondly, the king's speech was drawn up 
without the help of the Ministry ; and Pitt had the greatest 
difficulty in procuring a modification of a reference to the war 
which implied that it had become unnecessary. Thirdly, New- 
castle found that the Crown patronage, which he had so long 
dispensed for his own ends, was removed entirely from his con- 
trol, and disposed of without his advice or even knowledge. 

The campaign of 1761 was very indecisive. Prance, now 
tottering on the verge of bankruptcy, was eager for peace. 
Choiseul therefore proposed that a Congress should assemble at 
Augsburg to settle the points in dispute between Austria, 
"Russia, Prussia, and secretly made overtures to Pitt for a separate 
peace between England and Prance. The terms which he 
offered were really very reasonable, namely, that the English 



Family Compact, ' 221 



should keep all their conquests except Belleisle, but should pay 
compensation for the ships which had been seized before war 
had been declared. Unfortunately, however, he listened to the 
insinuations of the Ministers of Charles III, of Spain (formerly 
Don Carlos of JN'aples), who still retained a bitter grudge against 
the English for their conduct to him during the Austrian Suc- 
cession "War. Charles proposed that a Family 
Compact should be concluded between the dif- compact 
ferent branches of the House of Bourbon, and Aug., 1761. 
that they should direct their united policy to the 
laudable task of reducing the pride and pretension of the com- 
mon enemy, England. Choiseul therefore became less disposed 
towards a reconciliation with England ; and the result was that 
9, demand was presented by the French envoy, simultaneously 
with the terms of his own Government, that justice should be 
done to certain claims of the King of Spain, — without, however, 
as yet even hinting at the Family Compact. Pitt was extremely 
indignant. He lectured the French Government on the impro- 
priety of their interference between England and Spain • he 
totally rejected all idea of a separate peace, compensation, or 
restoration of any conquests ; and, scenting the Family Compact 
afar off, he determined on war with Spain. He was resolved 
not to conclude a peace without Prussia ; and he meditated a 
gigantic scheme for wresting all her colonies from France, which 
a premature peace would interfere with. The . 

introduction of Spain into the contest he regarded 
as a fortunate circumstance, which would enable him to include 
both branches of the House of Bourbon in the ruin which he 
had prepared for the elder. So great was his contempt for the 
Spanish Government, that he intended to begin the attack on 
their colonies and commerce without troubling himself about any 
such formality as a declaration of war. This scheme, however, 
was really too vast for the power and prestige of England, enor- 
mous though they both were at the time. France would never 
have acquiesced in her disgrace for long ; and such an important 
addition to the wealth and territories of England would have 
excited irreconcilable enmities on the Continent. Peace, there- 
fore, would have been but the shadow of a name ; and England 
must have stood for ever on the watch to guard her threatened 
acquisitions. The cost of the war, too, was immense. The 
total sum granted by Parliament in 1761 was more than nine- 
teen millions. The debt was rapidly increasing and the burden 



^ 222 * Period of Bute. 



was beginning to be heavily felt. A peace, therefore, was de- 
cidedly desirable ; though the unparalleled success of England 
gave her a right to expect unusually favourable terms. 

Pitt, however, so far from contemplating peace, proposed that, 
in addition to the regular charges for the year, three expedi- 
tions should be sent against Spain. One of these was intended 
to secure the Plate Fleet, which would have effectualy pre- 
vented Spain taking any part in the war for that season at 
least. Bute, however, and the Cabinet, were dBtermined on 
peace. They may have honestly considered that to declare war 
with Spain solely on the ground that a Family Compact was 
suspected, would be unjustifiable and unreasonable. Or they 
may have been merely inspired with a keen desire to get rid 
. of the man who had tyrannized with unusual 

of Pitt 1761 arrogance over all ranks of the Grovernmenl Be 

this as it may, the Cabinet refused to endorse 
Pittas views, and the great Minister at once resigned. After 
events, however, justified the foresight of Pitt, and covered the 
Cabinet with a measure of obloquy which would certainly be 
undeserved were the honesty of their motives beyond dispute. 

Every effort was made to lighten Pitt's fall. Honours and 
pensions were offered to him in full. He had practically, carte 
hlanche, to name his own reward. This was inevitable, owing 
to the important services which Pitt had rendered the State 
during his career of power ; but undoubtedly behind the liberal 

offers of the king lurked an insidious hope of 
Temporary partially undermining the popularity of the great 
of Pitt. leader. A small amount of success did actually 

attend this plan. Pitt accepted a barony for his 
wife, and a pension of 3000Z. a year for three lives ; and for a 
short time a storm of reproach was aroused against him in eon* 
sequence. This torrent of popular indignation was, however, 
soon exhausted, and Pitt became more thoroughly at one with 
the people than ever. 

The retirement of Pitt made Bute practically supreme in the 
Cabinet, though Newcastle still remained the nominal head 
but with greatly diminished influence. Lord Egremont, an 
avowed Tory, became Secretary of State in the place of the 
fallen Minister. Bute at once began to act as Prime Minister, 
totally disregarding the feeble efforts of Newcastle to retain 
some control over the Government, and devoted all his energies 
to concluding peace. This, however, was no longer so simple 



' « Bute's Foreign Policy, 223 

ft 

a matter as it had been. The Plate Fleet had been allowed to 
reach the harbours of Spain, carrying with it the revenue of the 
current year. Spain, therefore, — sure now of the sinews of 
war, and fully recognizing the important change in the position 
of England produced by the fall of Pitt,: — 
assumed a more belligerent tone. Bute found g F ^j*^ 
himself, after all, obliged to declare war in 1762.' ' 
January, 1762, and to follow out, a^ far as he 
could, the plans which his rival had devised for the humiliation 
of Spain. Fortunately, however, the extraordinary vigour which 
Pitt had infused into every department of the public service, 
survived him, and enabled Bute to carry on the war afresh 
with surprising success. The important island of Martinique 
fell an easy prey in February. This was followed by the 
capture of Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent. In August, 
Havannah, the rich and prosperous capital of Cuba, capitulated 
after a siege of two months. In October, Manilla and the 
Philippine Islands were added to the long list of conquests. 
All this success was, however, attributed to Pitt, who had 
planned and rendered it possible ; Bute's name was mentioned 
only with execration. It was openly said that Pitt would 
have done even more ; and that the number of rich Spanish 
prizes would have been far greater if he were still at the helm. 
Meanwhile an important revolution occurred in the position 
of the Continental Powers. Early in the year the Czarina, 
Elizabeth of Russia, died, and was succeeded by Peter III. 
The latter was a warm admirer of Frederic and 1 t'ona 

everything Prussian. The Russian army, which ^ Eussia. 
had been co-operating with the Austrians against 
Frederic, now received orders to co-operate with Frederic against 
the Austrians. This unlooked-for turn of the wheel really 
saved Frederic at a time of imminent danger. Bute took 
the opportunity in April to cut off the Prussian subsidy, alleging 
that we had merely assisted Frederic for our own ends, and 
not with any view of benefiting him; that, therefore, as 
the time a^eed on for the subsidy was up, we 
could discontinue it whenever w^e liked. The Withdrawal 
treacherous and malignant character of Frederic p^,*ggian 
left no doubt that he would have unhesitatingly subsidy, 
sacrificed any ally, or any number of allies, if he 
could have derived the slightest advantage from it. There was 
therefore every possible justification for cutting off the subsidy 



224 ' Period of Bute, 



as the position of Prussia had been so much improved by the 
accession of Peter III. But it is extremely improbable that 
Bute was influenced by any other consideration than a deter- 
mination to force on the peace ; and it was an extremely 
dangerous experiment to imitate the penny-wise pound-foolish 
policy of tile Prussian king himself in dealing with our only 
ally. The result was to completely isolate England from the 
Continent ; so that, when amid the American difficulties later 
on she looked round for assistance, there was hardly a single 
Power which did not place some obstacle in her way, if they 
did not openly rejoice in the success of the Americans, and 
array themselves in arms on their side. 

The chief immediate result of the withdrawal of the Prussian 
. subsidy was the resignation of !N'ewcastle, who 

o/Newcastle ^^^ \o-n.g smarted under the insults and humilia- 
tions to which he was daily subjected. Finding 
that his opinion was totally disregarded on this important 
question, he took the opportunity to retire, May, 1762. 

Bedion 2>,^Bute, May, 1762— April, 1763. 

The Cabinet was remodelled as follows. Bute became Pirst 

Lord of the Treasury. Granville remained President of the 

, Council. Sir Francis Dashwood was appointed 

Cabinet. Chancellor of the Exchequer. Egremont and 

George GrenviUe divided the Secretaryships. 
The office of Paymaster was given to Henry Fox. Halifax, 
Bedford, Sandys, and others occupied the remaining posts. 

The negotiations for the peace were hurried rapidly on, aind 
the Ministry, in their eagerness to conclude a treaty, found 
themselves rather embarrassed than otherwise by the success 
which attended their arms at the close of the year. The 

The Peace of ^^^^^ ?^ ^f^L^^ll^'"'^^^^!' ^^^^ ^"'^^^"^ }l^ 
Paris, 1763. INovember, 1762 ; though it was not actually 

signed till the following February, 1763, owing 

to some outstanding questions which still presented a few difii- 

culties. Among these must be included the latest English 

conquests, —Havannah and Manilla. Bute would willingly 

have given them up rather than delay peace in any way ; but 

better counsels prevailed, and they were exchanged for Florida., 

All America, — including Canada and the basins of the Ohio 

and Mississippi,— was ceded to England, with the exception of 



Peace of Paris, 225 



New Orleans and Louisiana west of the Mississippi, which were 
given to Spain. Louisiana therefore, — which had once in- 
cluded all the country between the Great Lakes, the Allegha- 
nies, and the Gulf of Mexico, and stretched vaguely across the 
continent to the Pacific, — was now cut down to very moderate 
limits. The French scheme of a vast Franco- American domi- 
nion extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arctic Ocean 
had failed. The Colonial Empire they had gloried in, had 
departed from them. All, in fact, that was left to France in 
America was the right of fishing off the Newfoundland Bank 
and in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence ; and two small islands— 
St. Pierre and Miquelon — which were given them as a shelter 
for their fishermen. Of their West Indian conquests, the 
English retained Grenada, the Grenadines, Tobago, Domi- 
nique, St. Vincent's ; restoiing Martinique, St. Lucia, and 
Havannah. In Africa, they retained Senegal, restoring Goree. 
In Hindostan, there was a mutual restitution of all conquests 
made since 1749 ; but the French were obliged to give up all 
military establishment in Bengal, and to acknowledge the 
English nominees in the Deccan and Camatic. In Europe, 
Minorca was restored to England in exchange for Belleisie; 
and the French promised once more to dismantle the fortifica- 
tions of Dunkirk. The news of the conquest of Manilla arrived 
too late for the Ministry to trouble about it ; and so it was 
restored without equivalent, and without even exacting payment 
of the bills which had been given as a ransom for private 
property on the island, and which of course were dishonoured. 

This peace really settled two questions — that England should 
be the great colonizing power of Modern History, not France ; 
that America and India should belong to England, 
not to France. French influence was entirely ^^ 
excluded from America by the treaty itself ; and 
it was so effectually crippled in India, that all efforts to revive 
it were unsuccessful. From this time the tremendous struggle 
between England and France for the supremacy of the seas and 
colonies was practically at an end, or was decided in favour of 
England, It is true that Vergennes during the American Ke- 
bellion, and Napoleon during the great wars which followed 
the French Eevolution, endeavoured to renew the struggle in 
the vain hope of restoring France to an equality with England, 
if not to supremacy. These attempts . were so far successful 
that they frightened the English thoroughly, and created France 

Q 



226 Period of Bute. 



into a bugbear, to which the Eussophobia of tte present day is 
the only modern equivalent. Eut they were also hopeless from 
the very first ; and their total ill-success, in spite of every pos- 
sible advantage at the time, proved the utter impossibility of 
ever reversing the verdict of history. 

The peace was thus decidedly favourable to England. And 
yet, like the Peace of Utrecht, it was decidedly unpopular, 
because we did not gain as much as we might have done, 

considering the wonderful success which had 
Feeling attended the arms of England during the war. 

agamst the Undoubtedly with a little more firmness, in nego- 
tiation we might have obtained much better 
terms. This fact, coupled with the previous unpopular dis- 
missal of Pitt, rendered Bute so detested by the people, that the 
very name of Scot became a word of reproach, because it was 
that nation which had produced the hated favourite. 

The Peace of Paris was shortly followed by the Treaty of 

Hubertsburg, which ended the continental war, 

Treaty of ^^^ j^f^ Prussia bankrupt and almost ruined by 

ITBS^'^ ^ ^^^' ^^ enormous burdens she had sustained, but 

without the loss of a single acre of territory, and. 
with the assured position of a first-rate power in Europe. 

The rest of Bute's Ministry was a series of mistakes which 
soon led up to the inevitable end. Fox was made leader of 
the House of Commons. All who had opposed the peace were 

at once dismissed from all their honours and- 
orrup ion. offices ; and while discipline was enforced in this 
way, the old corrupt system of Walpole and Newcastle was re- 
vived to secure tho obedience of the supporters of Government. 
For forty-five years the Tories had inveighed against corruption,, 
and had clamoured for economical reform. Now the first use 
they made of power was not to restore purity to Parliament, - 
but to establish a system of open bribery, which far exceeded 
even the views of Newcastle, that master of corruption. A. 
regular mart was opened at the Paymaster's office, where votes 
were bought and sold with unblushing effrontery. And yet, 
this was the only way by which the Government could be car- 
ried on. Bute was no financier or debater. There was no one 
in his Cabinet of sufficient ability to compensate for their 
leader's inefficiency. Eox had lost all credit. Dashwood was 
more renowned for the profligacy of his life than the soundnesa 
of his budget. Bute was so unpopular that he hired an escort 



Fall of Bute, 227 



of boxers and butchers to protect his life in the streets. Such 
a Ministry could not last long, and the Cider Tax gave it its 
death-blow. 

Dashwood proposed raising a revenue on cider. This alone 
raised a storm of indignation in the city, and 
strongly exasperated the cider counties. Pitt, The Cider Tax. 
Beckford, Lyttelton, Hardwicke, Temple, all thundered against 
the injustice of the tax. The partisanship of George Grenville 
was more unfortunate for the Bill than anything else, for it covered 
it with ridicule as well as opprobrium. The celebrated John 
Wilkes devoted all the vinegar of his pen to satirizing the Bill 
and its promoters. In many places Bute was burned in ^^gj 
under the emblem of a *' Jack Boot" — a punning reference to 
his name and title ; and usually a petticoat was thrown into the 
flames as well, as an uncomplimentar;y' allusion to the Princess 
of Wales. 

The result was that Bute — a quiet, harmless man, with none 
of the stuff from which despots are made — could not endure 
the storm which he had aroused, and which he found himself 
totally unable to rule. He was moreover on bad terms with 
his colleagues, and could hardly rely on the support or votes of 
any of them with any degree of certainty. On April 7th, there- 
fore, he resigned. His Ministry had, indeed, 
been big with a portentous growth. Lord Mahon, ^ ^ *®' 
who is decidedly favourable to him, says, " Seldom, indeed, has 
any Minister, with so short a tenure of power and so little of 
guilt in his intentions, been the cause of so great evils. Within 
a year and a half he had lost the king his popularity and the 
hingdom its allies^^ and yet the utmost that can be imputed to 
him i§ incapacity and imprudence. He had snatched the reins 
from the hands of the Sun-god, but had left the whip behind. 
What wonder, therefore, if the team were prancing all abroad 
among the constellations, and the luckless Phsethon fell headlong 
from the tossing chariot into the sea of private obscurity below. 

With Bute retired Dashwood and Pox, who were both raised 
to the Upper House as Lords Le Despencer and 
Holland. From this time Pox ceased to take 
any real part in public business till his death in 1774. He was 
a remarkable instance of a man who started in life as an able 
and popular statesman, but was so weighed down in the race 
for power by his bad character, that, though he once attained 
the highest place, he was obliged at the end of his life to accept 

Q 2 



228 Period of Bute. 



a dependent position under, and do dirty work for, a man whose 
sole claim to distinction was unmerited royal favour. 

Section L — George GrenviUe, April, 1763 — July, 1765. 

George Grenville now became First Lord of the Treasury^ 
with Lords Halifax and Egremont as Secretaries of State. This 
Ministry was known as the Triumvirate. 

Bute had named Grenville as his successor, considering him 

an insignificant but able man, who could carry on the Govem- 

, ment in a steady, plodding way, but would be 

mistake thoroughly amenable to his own secret influence. 

There is no doubt, in fact, that the favourite in- 
tended to rule behind the scenes by means of the puppet 
Grenville. Unfortunately the puppet refused to dance as he 
was bidden ; and, breaking loose from his master, started on a 
career of his own, which, for the singularity and importance 
of its final results, has certainly never had a counterpart in 
history. 

Grenville, — a solid, steady " speaker spoilt,'' — was really 
too haughty and dictatorial a man to fall into the position 
which Bute designed for him. The latter found he had made 
a mistake, and that his influence was almost gone. George III., 
too, was at first similarly deceived by Grenville's manner, 
and imagined that he was just the sort of drudge who would 
do to execute unquestionably any orders he might receive. 
His connection with Bute, his great business talents, his 
^ economy, his utter contempt for popularity, and 

Grenville. ^^^ disagreement with Pitt and Temple, all 

formed additional points of recommendation. 
But very soon both parties found they had made a mistake; 
Grenville was determined not to be a mere catspaw, and 
he resented the idea as depreciatory of his abilities. The king 
found that he had got a hard task-master, who lectured him 
with extraordinary efirontery and callousness on every subject 
of disagreement ; who bored him with wordy orations of several 
hours' duration ; and who was always prating in the most 
ofi'ensive manner about "the underhand influence of Bute." It 
is no wonder that the king in time got to hate him, and 
intrigued to get rid of the incubus thus fastened on his breast. 
But all the same, Grenville was in the right, and the king 
wrong. The latter should either have dismissed GrenviUe out 



Sections of the Whigs, 229 



and out, or else should have given him his entire confidence. 
Nor is it to be wondered that Grenville'^ manner became more 
and more dictatorial and unpleasant when he found that he 
was merely a makeshift, and that the king retained him solely 
because he was unable to build up any other Government. 

The Whigs were now divided into four parties. First, there 
was the Bedford party, consisting of the Duke of Bedford and 
his followers, Lords Gower, Sandwich, Weymouth, and Mr, 
Kigby, who were known as the Bloomshury Gang, — a name 
derived from the Duke's residence in London. The Rocking- 
ham Whigs were the representatives of the old 
Whig Houses, and included the Dukes of JSTew- ^^^^g. 
castle, Grafton, Devonshire, the Marquis of 
Eockingham, General Conway, and later, Mr. Edmund Burke. 
The Grenville Whigs were the narrowest and most oligarchical 
section of the Whigs, and reckoned among their numbers 
George Grenville, Lords Halifax, Holland, Lyttelton, Suffolk, 
Mr. Dowdeswell, and a few others. Pitt had only a few 
personal followers, such as Earl Temple, his brother-in-law, 
and Alderman Beckford, who, however, represented the great 
support of the city. The difference between these parties was 
at this time extremely slight, and is extremely difficult to 
define. The chief difference really was personal adherence to 
different leaders. But the Grenville Whigs were certainly the 
narrowest in view, and the party who leant most distinctly on 
the king's support, though not realizing to the full his plans. 
The Bedford Whigs were the most unprincipled place-hunters 
of the time, and were willing to join with any Government as 
a whole, or in sections, for the sake of office. The Eockingham 
party were the most liberal and large-minded of all, with the 
exception, perhaps, of Pitt. Pitt, however, was intractable, 
owing to his hatred of party ; and though his natural position 
would have been the leader of the Eockingham Whigs, he pre- 
ferred to stand alone, rather than be identified with any definite 
party. His sympathies, in fact, were really with the king in 
the latter's struggle to break the power of party, because he 
thought that this was only preparatory to the formation of a 
strong united Ministry, consisting of all the talent of the 
country. At this time, too, Pitt was under the influence of his 
brother-in-law. Earl Temple, who projected an united Grenville 
Ministry to include all the family, and who therefore steadily 
encouraged Pitt in his aversion to forming any party connections. 



230 Period of Bute. 



Grrenville's supporters consisted, at first, of his own party 
and some Tories and " King's Friends." Towards the end of 
the year, however, the weakness of this Ministry rendered some 
mu -D J* A reinforcement necessary ; Pitt declined all offers. 
Minittry ^ ^^i^^' therefore, was effected with the Bedford 

section of the Whigs, and a coalition, known 
a^s the Bedford Ministry, was formed, which included Grenville 
himseK as Prime Minister, Bedford as President of the Council, 
and a number of the followers of each, among whom the re- 
maining places were divided. 

The three chief measures of this Ministry were the Stamp 
Act for America, the proceedings against "Wilkes, and the 
Regency Bill. It is difficult to say in which they showed 
most imprudence and lack of judgment. 

John Wilkes was the son of a rich distiller, who, growing 
weary of his business^ turned to a parliamentary life, and entered 
Parliament as member for Aylesbury. He was extraordinarily 
ugly, but so witty and insinuating in conversation that, to use 
his own words, ^*he only wanted half an hour's start to make 
him even with the handsomest man in England.'' His life was 
as profligate as his appe'arance was unprepossessing. For some 
time he reigned the chosen oracle of green-rooms, and the 
leading spirit of a dissolute club which Sir Francis Dashwood 
and some other kindred souls had established at Medmenham 
, J Abbey, in a lovely riverside spot near Marlow, 

Briton" •'■^ 1762, however, he began a periodical called 

the "North Briton," in which he attacked Lord 
Bute and the whole Scotch nation in the most exhaustive strain 
of vituperation. The North Briton, however, though it on one 
occasion provoked a challenge from a victim, did not attain any 
real importance till the 23rd of April, 1763, when the celebrated 
No. 45 was issued. The king's speech had referred to the 
Peace of Paris as an honourable termination of the struggle. 
Wilkes took advantage of the constitutional principle that all 
the king's acts and speeches are the work of his Miuisters, 
to lavish all the flowers of his bitter and scurrilous pen on the 
inadequacy of the peace, the promotion of Scotchmen and 
Jacobites, the iniquity of the Cider Tax, and the unparalleled 
^effrontery of the Ministers who had ventured so to misrepresent 
their royal master. Constitutionally Wilkes was perfectly 
justified in attacking the speech, which had always been held 
.to be the work of Ministers. George, however, was determine^ 



IIIIIIIIIIHIu 



Wilkes, 231 



that this theory should cease, and that the acts of the Crown 
should he regarded as emanating from the Crown solely. He 
therefore saw in the attack of the North Briton nothing but 
insolent and seditious abuse of himself under the thin veil of 
criticism of his Ministers. It was determined, therefore, to crush 
the audacious journalist ; and the Court recklessly plunged into 
an undignified contest, which at once transformed Wilkes into 
a popular martyr. Whereas silent contempt would have been 
the surest way of depriving him of what little influence he 
might have acquired. 

A General Warrant (that is, one in which no name is in- 
serted, but power is given to the officers to arrest _, 
practically any one they may select) was issued, Warrant 
signed by Lord Halifax, and under it no less than 
forty-nine persons were arrested. The publisher, having then 
acknowledged that Wilkes was the author, the latter was also 
seized under the general warrant, and imprisoned in the Tower. 
He at once applied for a Habeas Corpus, and was in consequence 
released by Chief Justice Pratt, on the ground of privilege as a 
member of Parliament. On his release the popular rejoicings 
■were so great that they might have warned a statesman less 
obstinate than Grenville. In many districts the jack-boot and 
petticoat were burnt, as usual ; and in some places a figure of a 
'Scotchman with a blue ribbon was drawn round the town, 
■leading a croumed ass by the nose. Wilkes, moreover, at once 
set on foot actions against Lord Halifax and the messengers who 
had efiected the arrest. 

In November, however, a new weapon was found to attack 
him with. On the meeting of Parliament he rose to complain 
of the breach of privilege which had been committed by his 
arrest. Grenville, however, produced a royal message calling 
the House's attention to the alleged libel in the North Briton, 
The House proceeded at once to decide that No. 45 was a false, 
scandalous, and seditious libel, though the case was at the time 
pending before the law courts. At the same time Lord Sand- 
wich, a former associate of Wilkes' debauchery, produced in 
the House of Lords an obscene poem written by ^^^ ,, ^.^^^ 
Wilkes, and called the "Essay on Woman." on Woman." 
This was a parody on Pope's " Essay on Man," 
. and was dedicated to Sandwich himself. Bishop Warburton 
also complained of a breach of privilege, because Wilkes had 
appended burlesque notes to his poem in ridicule of the com- 



232 Period of Bute. 



mentary in the Bishop^s edition of Pope ; and, to add to the 
insult, these notes purported to be by the Eight Eeverend 
Bishop of Gloucester himself. I^Tow there is not the slightest 
doubt that the author of such a poem richly deserved a severe 
punishment ; but this cannot excuse the illegality of the pro- 
ceedings. The Essay had never been published at all. It had 
been privately printed for private circulation, and only a few 
copies had been struck off. The Lords therefore had no right 
to take any cognizance of it ; and it certainly vras not in any 
sense a breach of privilege. 

The amenities interchanged between Wilkes and his oppo- 

, nents ended in a duel, in which Wilkes was 

^erht^ wounded. His wound produced some delay; 

but though he withdrew for safety to France, 
the Commons, inspired with vindictive ardour, proceeded 
rapidly with his case. After a night spent in stormy debate, 
they expelled him with the greatest unanimity. 

The result of this persecution was that a feeling of sympathy 
arose for Wilkes, as it very often does for men who suffer a 
punishment wholly disproportionate to the offence. It was felt 

that in character there was very little to choose 
excitement between the righteous Lord Sandwich and Mr. 

Wilkes himself ; and that the means by which 
the copy of the " Essay on Woman '' had been obtained were 
wholly unjustifiable. Popular feeling found a vent in the nick- 
name "Jemmy Twitcher," applied to Lord Sandwich, which 
was borrowed from a highwayman in the Beggar^ Opera, who 
betrays his companion in guilt, Macheath. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, popular feeling also found a vent in riots and disorder, 
which the sheriffs of London declared were encouraged by 
gentlemen from balconies and windows. 

Meanwhile Wilkes had obtained a verdict of 1000/. damages 
against the Under Secretary of State, who had issued the general 
warrant. But as he did not appear to defend the indictment 
Outlawry of "^^^ ^ih^l and blasphemy, he was outlawed by the 
Wilkes. courts. So far the Government had apparently 

triumphed. And yet this triumph was only ap- 
parent. The whole proceedings had been outrageously illegal. 
This persecution caused Wilkes to be regarded as the victim of 
tyrannical oppression instead of a scurrilous hack-writer. The 
illegality of general warrants had been declared unhesitatingly 
by the courts ; and though Parliament refused to confirm this 
decision, it would be impossible to issue them again. At the 



Stamp Act, 233 



same time there was little sympathy with Wilkes personally, and 
he was very far as yet from the height of popularity he attained 
later. 

The result, however, of the unpopularity of the Court and 
Government was that the Duke of Cumberland, 
"the Butcher of '45,^^ became suddenly a public cXberiay' 
favourite. It was declared that he had done ^^ ^^ ^^ ' 
good service, and that it was only a pity that he had left so 
many " beggarly Scots " to suck the life out of England now. 

In their dealings with America, the Ministry acted equally 
injudiciously. Grenville proposed to raise a permanent army 
to defend the colonies for the future against any enemy, and to 
pay it by means of a stamp tax levied on the colonies them- 
selves. The colonies, however, were already suf- 
fering under some grievances imposed by Gren- ^^e^^res!* 
ville's Government. The laws against smuggling 
into the Spanish colonies were more strictly and harshly en- 
forced, thus cutting off the most profitable branch of the 
Americans' trade • and causing some distress. In 1764 duties 
were laid on several articles of commerce ; and it was plainly 
asserted that England had a right to tax the colonies. The 
duties, moreover, had to be paid in hard cash at a time when the 
diminution of trade had decreased the supply of cash in the 
country; and the injuries of the colonists were completed by an 
Act prohibiting paper-money in America. It was at this time, 
when the Americans were both distressed and discontented, 
that Grenville proposed his further scheme of a _, «. 
Stamp Act. The merits of the case will be dis- ^^J 1766. 
cussed later. The management of it was simply 
execrable. He deferred the imposition of the tax until he had 
got the written opinions of the colonial assemblies on the sub- 
ject ; and when he had ascertained for certain that they would 
not hear of it at any price, and were violently exasperated 
against it, he brought forward the measure in Parliament, and 
' it slipped through almost unnoticed. The Americans received 
the news with the greatest indignation. The orators in the pro- 
vincial assemblies thundered against the iniquity of the measure 
tni the governors were at their wits' end to know what to do. 
The idea of federation and united resistance was even started. 
Riots and disorders followed. It was perfectly „ 
impossible to carry out the provisions of the excitement. 
Stamp Act. A serious injury was dealt to Eng- 
lish trade by the formation of a society which refused to buy 



234 Period of Bute. 



any English goods, and which soon included the majority of the 
colonists. The Stamp Act, in fact, was the first blow of the axe, 
which, in the hands of reckless and obstinate men, was destined 
to cut the fairest and largest bough away from the mother-trunk. 

Hitherto the Ministry had only excited the indignation of 
the people and the colonies. Not satisfied with the number of 
their enemies, they now proceeded to quarrel openly with the 
king. In 1765 the first signs of the illness, to which George 
afterwards fell a victim, appeared ; and as soon as he recovered 
he proposed, with wonderful firmness, that a Regency Bill 
_j . should be brought in, limiting the king's choice 

\^W^^^ ^ ' of ^ Eegent to the members of the Koyal Family. 

The Ministers, however, in alarm at the prospect 
of a new Bute Ministry, persuaded the king that there was no 
hope of the Princess's name being accepted, and that it had 
better be left out of the Bill. The king unwisely consented to 
this unparalleled insult on his parent, apparently through lack of 
consideration. Parliament, however, insisted on inserting the 
Princess's name by a large majority, and thus exposed the trick 
of his Ministers. This the king never forgave. They had been 
for some time obnoxious to, him, and now he determined to get 
rid of them. 

With this view he induced the Duke of Cumberland to make 
overtures to Chatham, offering almost any terms. But Pitt was 
still bound to Temple, and Temple still hoped for a Grenville 
Ministry. There was therefore nothing for it but for the king 
George in- ^^ return once more to his hated Ministers, and 

trigues listen to the strictures on his double-dealin'g 

against which they meted out to him with the greatest 

GrenvUle. frankness. He was obliged to consent to dismiss 

Bute and all Bute's following. He was obliged to promise that 
he would use no underhand influence for the future. Life, in 
fact, became a burden to him under George Grenville's domi- 
nation, and he determined to dismiss him, even at the cost of 
accepting the Whig Houses, whom he had pledged himself never 
to employ again. Pitt and Temple still proving obdurate, Cum- 
berland opened negotiations with the Eockingham Whigs, and 
the Grenville Ministry was at an end. The extent to which 
.the king's feelings had been outraged by Grenville's conduct 
may be measured by the fact that George refused ever to em- 
ploy him again, and openly said that he would '* rather see the 
devil in his closet than George Grenville." 



Rockingham. 235 



) I I 



CHAPTER II. 

s 

THE ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY. 

July, 17^5— July, 1766. 

The new Ministry was composed as follows : Eockingham be- 
came First Lord of the Treasury; DowdesweU, mv ■«■• • ^ 
.Chancellor of the Exchequer ; [tsTewcastle, Privy 
Seal; Northington, Lord Chancellor. The remaining offices 
were distributed among the Dukes of Portland, Rutland, and 
. Grafton, the Marquis of Granby, Lord Egmont, General Conway, 
Charles Townshend, and some others. 

Their leader Bockingham was a man of sound sense, but no 
power of language or government. His silence in Parliament 
was so remarkable that he was nick-named by his enemies the 
"poor dumb animal." In fact he was far more calculated to 
shine as a Master of Eoxhounds than as a Eirst Lord of the 
Treasury. To his credit it must be added that he was totally 
free from any suspicion of corruption. In fact there was more 
honesty than talent in the Ministry altogether. The leaders 
were all inferior men, and the back-bone of the party was re- 
moved by the refusal of Pitt to co-operate. Burke was un- 
doubtedly the ablest man among them, but his time was not 
yet come. Such a Ministry, it was recognized even by its own 
members, could not last long. However, it had come in to 
effect certain necessary legislation, and it certainly so far accom- 
plished the end of its being. It repealed the Stamp Act, 
which had caused so much indignation among j^g ygfoj-j^g . 
the Americans ; and at the same time passed a 
law securing the dependence of the colonies. It abolished the 
unpopular cider tax. It condemned the use of general warrants, 
and the removal of military officers from their posts for their 
votes in Parliament. It endeavoured to foster again the once 



236 



The Rockingham Ministry. 



so prosperous trade with America, and even went the length of 
making Jamaica and Dominique free ports. 

The king, however, made no secret of his hostility to his 
Ministers. He hated them as a purely party Ministry ; and in 
many cases permitted or even instructed his friends to vote 
against them. The Ministry therefore was tottering, and only 
its weakness existed until the king could form another. The 

conduct of Pitt in refusing to join them was a 
decided mistake, and more. He was really at one with them 
on most points. Most of their acts were in accordance with his 
views. But he was determined not to join a purely party 
Ministry, though he could have done so practically on whatever 
terms he pleased. 

In 1766, however, he consented to form a coalition, in which 
were included men of the most opposite views — "King's 
Friends," Rockingham Whigs, and the few personal followers of 
Pitt. Eockingham refused to take any office, and retired to the 
more congenial occupation of following the hounds. 



Fitt's Second Ministry. 237 



CHAPTER III. 

THE GRAFTON MINISTRY. 

July, 1766-70. 

Section 1. — Chatham, July, 1766 — December, 1767* 

The nominal Prime Minister of this Cabinet was the Duke of 
Grafton, for Pitt refused the leadership, and retired to the 
House of Lords as Lord Chatham, Charles Townshend be- 
came Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord ■«■••♦ 
North, the leader of the " King's Friends," was ^^® Ministry. 
Paymaster. The Ministry included Shelburne, Barre, Conway, 
Northington, Barrington, Camden, Granby — all men of the 
most opposite views. But Temple had no place in it. He 
asked for too much influence and power, and so Chatham at 
last broke loose from him. To his great discredit he went at 
once into virulent opposition. 

This second Ministry of Pitt was a mistake from the very 
first. He lost all his popularity by taking a peerage, and his 
colleagues considered that thereby they suffered a great diminu- 
tion of strength, '^o doubt it was well earned ; and Chatham's 
bad health might make him dread the clamour ._. . , ^^^ 
and violence of the Lower House. But the difficulties. 
Government really relied mainly on the support 
which his name and influence brought to them. Without him 
' it must have fallen to pieces owing to the heterogeneous ele- 
ments of which it was composed. It was therefore of the utmost 
. importance that he should stUl continue to be the guiding spirit 
of the House of Commons. As a peer and Lord Privy Seal he 
found himself in an uncongenial atmosphere, and an assembly 
to which his impassioned utterances seemed turgid and bom- 
bastic, and who were not under the influence of long years of 
his ascendencv. So he could not rule the Commons from the 
Lords ; and he had no control over the Lords themselves. His 
name, too, had lost a great deal of its power abroad. ** Pitt " 



238 The Grafton Ministry, 

had, indeed, been a word to conjure with ; but there were no 
associations of defeat and humiliation connected with the name 
of ^' Chatham." The general consent of his contemporaries and 
of posterity has stigmatized this act of his as a decided error, 
which eventually caused the final shipwreck of the administra- 
tion. There were other difl&culties, however, as well. His 
arrogance had increased, and it was so much intensified by 
irritating gout^ that it became almost impossible to serve with 
him. His disease later almost approached madness, and at 
times absolutely prevented the carrying on of public business, 
or at least rendered it necessary to carry it on without consulting 
the real head of the Cabinet; for Chatham, when the fit was on 
him, could only shed tears at the very name of business, and , 
protest that it would kill him to discuss it. There were besides 
almost fatal elements of disunion and weakness in the Ministry 
itself. Eockingham declined to join it. Bedford demanded too 
high a price for his alliance. It was therefore necessary to 
admit a number of Tories, and this enraged the Whigs. Tlm-e 
was 110 unity of o'pinion on any one topic. It was weU known 
that Charles Townshend was strongly in favour of taxiug 
America. Lord North was one of the steadiest supporters of 
the Court policy on the Wilkes' case and with regard to America. 
Lord Camden was, on the contrary, identified with the exactly 
opposite view on these identical questions. When, therefore, 
the only bond which united them, namely, the influence of 
Chatham, was removed by his illness, the Ministry naturally 
fell to pieces entirely. 

The policy of the great Minister was as spirited as ever. He 
proposed that a Great Northern Alliance of England, Eussia, 
Foreign ^^^ Prussia should unite to resist the growing 

policy. power of the House of Bourbon, consolidated and 

strengthened by the Family Compact. Frederic II, 
however, still preserved a vindictive remembrance of his de- 
sertion by Bute, and both the Powers were really intent on the 
iniquitous scheme for dismembering Poland, which was later 
carried into execution. The idea therefore proved abortive. 

Chatham also designed to introduce a Bill for the better 
Home policy, government of Ireland; and another for the 

arrangement of the afPairs of the East India 
Company on a more satisfactory footing; but his iUness nipped 
these projects in the bud. 

From this time the Ministry drifted helplessly about at the 



Break up of Pittas Ministry, 239^ 



mercy of each, wind and wave of opinion like a water-logged 
ship \ and it was only the utter want of union 
among the Opposition which prevented its sinking ^®* "^^* 
entirely. As it was, they contrived to renew the breach with 
America, which had been almost entirely healed by Eocking- 
ham's repeal of the Stamp Act. 

Charles Townshend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was by 
far the ablest man left in the Cabinet, and he . 

rapidly assumed the most prominent position. Tax^^l767 ^* 
He had always been in favour of taxing America. 
He now brought forward a plan for raising a revenue from tea, 
glass, and paper, by way of import duty at the American ports. 
The sum intended to be raised was very small, only amounting 
to 40,000Z., which would have been spent in America entirely ; 
hut there was not the slightest hope that the Americans would 
submit, and the only result was to provoke another furious 
quarrel. This wild measure was followed shortly by the death 
of its author in September ; and then the weakness of the 
Ministry became so obvious that, as Chatham still continued 
incapable, some fresh reinforcement was absolutely necessary. 

Section 2. — Grafton, December, 1767 — January, 1770. 

A coalition was effected with the Bloomsbury Gang ; and, in 

consequence, Lords Gower, Weymouth, and Sand- yv. -m- • ^ 
I wich joined the Ministry. Lord ]S"orthington and ® ^^^ ^^' 
\ General Conway retired. North succeeded Townshend at the 

Exchequer. Lord Hillsborough became the first Secretary of 

State for the Colonies, thus raising the number of Secretaries to 

three. 
This Ministry was probably the toorst that had governed 
[ England since the days of the Cabal ; and the short period of 
I its existence was marked by a succession of arbitrary and foolish 
■ acts. On every important question that it had to deal with, it 
. pursued a course diametrically opposed to Chatham's views; 

and yet with singular irony his nominal connection with it was 

not severed for some time. 
The first question on which the Government laid itself open 

to grave animadversion was the Nullum Tempus j^^jj^j^ rp^j^. 

BiU. For the sake of benefiting a royal p^g Bill. 

favourite, insulting an old Whig family, and 

acquiring two votes in Parliament, the Crown encouraged Sir- 



240 The Grafton Ministry, 



James Lowther to dispute an estate which had been granted to 
the Duke of Portland by William III. The ground of this was 
the exploded doctrine, that no enjoyment for length of time 
could bar the rights of the Crown. In consequence of this dis- 
graceful proceeding a Bill was introduced into Parliament to 
declare that sixty years* possession should be a valid defence 
against any claims of the Crown ; and, in spite of the warmest 
opposition on the part of Government, it became law. 

The general election of 1768 was chiefly remarkable for ex- 
traordinary cases of open corruption, which was 
electioa carried so far, that one or two boroughs actually 

advertised themselves for auction to the highest 
bidder. The most important event, however, as it subsequently 
turned out, was the election of Wilkes for Middlesex, which 
embarked the Government on a contest which did more to ruin 
them than any other of their numerous and glaring errors. 

Wilkes had offered himself late in the day for the City of 
London, and though he was at the bottom of the 
Wilkes poll, yet he contrived to secure such a proportion 

Si^SJi^ ^^^ ^^ votes, that he at once came forward to stand 

1768 ; for the County of Middlesex. To the astonish- 

ment of all and the disgust of many he was re- 
turned by an overwhelming majority, and the Ministry were 
obliged to consider what they would do with the unwelcome 
guest thus forced on them. Undoubtedly the best plan would 
have been to do nothing. Firebrands are soon extinguished in 
the House of Commons, as our own times have abundantly 
shown. Wilkes was so heavily handicapped by his antecedents, 
that nothing but the powerful lift of Ministerial interference 
could ever have raised him for long above the shoulders of the 
mob. The Ministry, however, thought otherwise ; and the 
obstinate king was determined that the man who had written 
!N"o. 45 of the North Briton should not take his seat again 
in Parliament. A writ of outlawry was issued against Wilkes ; 
but popular feeling was so violently excited, that formidable 
riots broke out in all parts of the city, and there is not the 
slightest doubt that had not Wilkes voluntarily surrendered 
himself, the writ would never have been executed. The multi- 
tude, baffled for the moment, appeared in large numbers before 
. ^ , the King's Bench Prison, where Wilkes was in- 
isimpnso e ; carcerated. They proceeded to tear down the 
railings, lighted a huge bonfire in front of the prison, and were 



Arcades Am bo, 241 < 



only dispersed with great difficulty by a military force. The 
disorder continuing on the next day, the troops were ordered to 
fire on the mob, and in consequence about twenty persons were 
killed or wounded. The coroner's inquest returned a verdict of 
" wilful murder " against the magistrates and soldiers ; but they 
were protected by the Government, and even rewarded. The 
riotous spirit of the populace remained unchecked, and broke 
out again and again in various excesses. The seamen, insisting 
on an increase of wages, laid a blockade on the Port of London, 
and refused to allow ships to enter or leave it. At another 
time a mob of tailors came down to the very doors of the House 
of Commons, and raised such a clamour, that the debate had to 
be temporarily suspended. Disorder also exhibited itself in 
almost every part of England owing to the different grievances 
under which almost every class laboured. 

At this time, unfortunately enough, Chatham retired definitely 
from the Ministry, which became in consequence more decidedly 
the Ministry of the king. The latter was determined to crush 
insubordination wherever he found it, whether represented in 
the person of a single demagogue, or the swarming population of 
the American Colonies. This animosity was shortly stirred 
more deeply by a fresh insult from Wilkes, which arose in the 
following way. A vacancy having arisen in the representation 
of Middlesex, Sergeant Glynri, a nominee of Wilkes, was elected 
by a large majority. The election was followed by violent riots, 
which were put down with some slaughter by the troops. The 
Government, as before, praised and rewarded the soldiers. Lord 
Weymouth, Secretary of State, issued a general note to the 
magistrates instructing them to avail themselves of the military 
promptly in order to suppress any similar outbreaks. The re- 
sult was that a good deal of blood was shed in collisions between 
the people and the soldiers. Wilkes, who was still in prison, 
wrote a severe comment on this '' bloody scroll," no doubt with 
the view of provoking a new prosecution and thereby keeping up 
the interest of his supporters. He succeeded rather more than 
he had intended. The House of Commons took the matter out 
of the hands of the law courts entirely, pronounced it a breach 
of privilege, ordered Wilkes to the bar of the House, and, after 
a violent scene, declared him guilty and expelled j^ expeUed ; 
him. It is needless to say that the whole pro- 
ceeding was grossly illegal; for though the House had a perfect 
right to expei one of their own number for good cause, yet they 



242 The Grafton Ministry, 

had no jurisdiction whatever except in cases affecting their own 
privileges, which scarcely included those of the House of Lords. 
Wilkes, however, was unanimously re-elected ; and so the House 
had the obnoxious demagogue thrown once more on their hands. 
The same was repeated on his re-expulsion. They were deter-' 
mined, however, this time to end this ridiculous and undignified 
contest in which Wilkes sustained the role of shuttlecock ; and 
so, having solemnly expelled him for the third time, they de- 
clared him incapable of ever sitting again. And, though he was 
again returned by an overwhelming majority, they adjudged the 

seat to his opponent. Colonel Luttrell, who had 
incapable of stood in the king's interest and contrived to obtain 
sitting. some two or three hundred votes. This at once 

provoked a general outcry throughout the country. 
It was not that Wilkes^ character or person were popular ; it 
was simply that all riglit-minded men felt that the Ministry had 
done a grossly arbitrary and illegal act ; and that in the words 
of Junius, *' Ministers had now created a question in which Mr. 
Wilkes was no more concerned than any other English gentle- 
man." The right of expulsion was undoubted, but expulsion 
did not create a disability ; far less did it give any claim to 
Wilkes' opponent Luttrell. If such an usurpation as this were 
to be tolerated, it was impossible to tell where an unscrupulous 
Government would stop. These scandalous proceedings were 
strongly reprobated by almost every man of talent in the Com- 
mons. Both Grenville and Chatham vied with each other in 
thundering against the iniquity of giving the seat to Luttrell, 
though, .to the shame of the judicial Bench, Lord Mansfield de- 
fended and supported it in the Lords. 

Nor were the Ministry more successful in their dealings with 
America. America. Charles Townshend's new import 

duties had produced the greatest excitement 
among the colonists, who, having won one victory, were de- 
termined not to submit in any way to the obnoxious claim of 
taxative power. The result was that it was utterly impossible 
to enforce the laws ; that custom-house officers ran considerable 
danger of tarring and feathering on the slightest provocation ; 
that the determination not to use English goods revived and was 
carried out with patriotic vigour ; and that severe riots and col- 
lisions between the people and the troops were of constant and 
dangerous occurrence. This was especially the case in Massa- 
chusetts. 







Road to Ruin, 243 



Unfortunately, too, the Secretary for the Colonies, Lord Hills- 
borough, had not the slightest idea how to deal with the diffi- 
culty ; and his efforts only added fuel to the flame. Public 
opinion, however, in England was strongly against the Ameri- 
cans; and at last the Duke of Bedford, acting as its Exponent 
for about the first time in his life, brought forward a motion in 
Parliament, that American rioters should be brought to England 
for trial, as there was no hope of getting an honest 
verdict out of an American jury. It was carried ; ^of[°^*'^ 
but it met with the execration it deserved, and be- 
came a dead letter. By the close of the year 1769 a strong de- 
termination had gradually arisen throughout the length and 
breadth of the? colonies to accept nothing leas than the repeal 
of Towtishend's measure in its entirety. Government recognized 
the necessity of making some concession ; but pride prevented 
them giving in heartily and honestly. The import duties were 
.therefore all removed except the one on tea. The result was 
therefore absolutely nil ; for the Americans were 
as strongly exasperated as before, and as strongly re^^eal^^^*^ 
determined not to submit to any taxation by 
Parhament. As Junius said, " In the repeal of those Acts which 
were most offensive to the Americans, the Parliament had done 
everything but remove the offence. They had relinquished the 
revenue, but judiciously preserved the contention." 

Matters, in fact, were rapidly approaching a crisis with the 
Grafton Ministry. For some time individual Ministers had 
privately disapproved of much that was done in the name of the 
whole Cabinet. They had confined themselves to their own 4^- 
partments, and under the specious excuse that they were Minis- 
ters of the House of Commons, had given a tacit sanction to 
much that incurred their secret reprobation. Such an anomalous 
state could obviously not last long. Moreover, the debates on 
the Wilkes case had restored a certain amount of 
union to the scattered fragments of the Opposition. ^^^^ °^ *^® 
A reconciliation had once more united Grenville, Ministry 
Chatham, and Temple. Chatham made overtures 
to Rockingham, and for the future spoke of him in terms of high 
praise. The result was a series of assaults on the Government, 
in which Chatham displayed all his old fire. In 1770 the 
king's speech was made the subject of his bitterest invective. 
It had studiously avoided aU reference to the burning questions 
of the day, and devoted unusual attention to the "murrain 

B 2 



244 The Grafton Ministry, 

among horned beasts." It was, in fact, as Junius scathingly de- 
scribed it, more worthy of a " ruined grazier " than a great king. 
Chatham proceeded to paint in the darkest colours the state to 
which the mistakes of the last ten years had reduced the 
country : her isolated position iii Europe ; the undisguised 
hostility of the Americans ; the arbitrary violations of the con- 
stitution in the proceedings against Wilkes. He inveighed 
against the secret influence of the king, and openly attributed 
these evils to his baneful interference. The result was an ex- 
plosion. Camden, the Chancellor, the ablest man in the Cabi- 
net, threw off his allegiance to his chief, violently attacked the 
Government, and protested that the disqualification of Wilkes 
was an illegal encroachment on the liberty of the subject. His 

example was followed by the Marquis of Granby, 
^/fi^f^^^^^ the Commander-in-Chief. Grafton was of course 
2YY0. ' obliged to dismiss them both ; and, finding it im- 

possible to keep his Ministry any longer together, 
shortly afterwards himself resigned. 

The game was apparently in the hands of the Opposition. 
But so disorganized were they really, in spite of the late hollow 
attempt at reunion, that it was utterly impossible for either 
Chatham or Eockingham to form a Ministry. George, there- 
T • h f ■^^^^' ^^ ^^^^ seized the opportunity which he had 
the'^^g. ^^ \ovLg waited for, and committed the task of 
forming a new Government to Lord North, a man 
entirely after his own heart, and the acknowledged leader of 
the Tories. - 

Thus ends the first period of the reign of George III. During 
the last ten years he had been struggling with the House of ' 
Commons, with the power of organized ijarties. These he had 

done his best to destroy ; and in his crusade he had 
fim pwiod^^ ^^^^ supported by the great unrepresented masses 
and its ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^® liberal of those who were repre- 

results. sented. The people, however, had assisted him 

not through any love of Personal Government or 
special desire to restore the lost power of prerogative, but be- 
cause^ they hoped to obtain some share in the government by 
effecting a reform of the corrupt representative system. They 
had not understood the views of the king, nor he theirs ; and 
each party to the delusion was in consequence doomed to bitter 
-disappointment in the future. The people, however, were 
earliest awakened from their dream by the stern facts of the 



Birth of Radicalism, 245 



Grafton Ministry, the repressive policy of which was directly 
stimulated by the king himself. The rending of the veil was 
followed by a total change in public feeling with regard to the 
Crown, which is most strongly exhibited in the altered tone of 
Junius. Hitherto the king had been, in the eyes of this arch- 
enemy of the Government, the good prince whose kindliness 
and good-nature not even the blunders of Bute and Grenville 
could obscure. But in the "Letter to the King" of 1769, 
George is openly accused of violating the Constitution; and 
warned that those who imitate the Stuarts should beware their 
.fate. This last letter created an immense sensation, and marked 
at once the complete success of the king's policy, and the open- 
ing of men's eyes to his true character. The revelation, however, 
came too late. George had at last succeeded in surrounding 
himself with a large, compact, and well-disciplined body of 
friends, had thrust into the foremost place a man on whose 
subservience he had the most implicit reliance. He was there- 
fore determined now to share power with nobody, but to sternly 
repress the slightest opposition. 

Section 3. — Radicalism. 

One of the most important results of the Grafton Ministry was 
the rise of modern Radicalism. In 1769, during the excitement 
caused by the Wilkes case, the Society of Friends 
of the People was formed to support the Bill of p^jg^^Jg^'/f ^he 
Eights. Their principal objects were to assist people 1769. 
Wilkes in his struggle with the Court, and to 
carry out parliamentary reforms of an extremely sweeping cha- 
racter. They advocated a return to the ancient custom of 
annual Parliaments ; and that members of Parliament should 
be compelled to put off their senatorial character, and become 
mere delegates of their constituents by a well-organized system 
of effective control. Their leader was John Home Tooke, a 
disreputable clergyman, who had abandoned his cloth. Among 
their most prominent members were Wilkes, Glynn, Sawbridge, 
Ohver, and Townsend, who all took a decided part in the 
constitutional struggles of the reign. At first, however, they 
were but a small party. The violence of their principal orators, 
and the evil character of Wilkes, discredited them in the eyes 
of the great mass of the people ; for most of those who ad- 
vocated the cause of Wilkes from a constitutional point of view 



246 The Grafton Ministry. 



had no desire to be connected with his person or his principles. 
Circumstances, too, were slowly driving the country into strong 
Conservatism, until at last the great shock of the French 
Eevolution crystallized the whole nation into an attitude of 
resistance to any forms of progress, from which they utterly, 

refused to move for over a quarter of a century., 
Sympathy The new-born Eadical party naturally sympa-: 

Frenci?Revo- whized with the talent for destruction evinced by 
lution. " the French Eevolutionists. The Constitutional 
. Society, the London Corresponding Society, both 
offshoots of the original "mighty Mother," extended the hand 
of friendship across the Channel to the reformers of the National 
Assembly. It is not strange, therefore, that at a time when 
Eurke was convulsing the whole of England by his philippics 
against the French Eevolution, its sympathizers should be re- 
garded with the utmost suspicion, and should find great diffi- 
culty in adding to their numbers. One of the chief results of 
the movement was that the Whigs were eventually obliged to 
identify themselves with parliamentary reform, and entirely 
. abandon their old selfish, oligarchical principles. 

thTwhiffs^ This transformation, however, was effected very 

slowly indeed. The principal leaders of the 
old Whigs, Chatham, Burke, Eockingham, Fox, even Junius 
himself, did not advocate any lowering of the franchise. The 
utmost that the most enlightened among them contemplated 
was a thorough excision of all rotten boroughs. The question 
of the extension of the franchise therefore remained in the 
hands of the Eadical party almost to the end of the century, 
and suffered accordingly. 



Section 4. — The Letters of Junius. 

In the preceding pages the name of " Junius " has been fre- 
quently mentioned as one of the principal opponents of the 
Ministry of the Duke of Grafton. Junius was an anonymous 
author, who was in the habit of writing letters addressed to the 
editor of The Public Advertiser, a newspaper of the period, in 
which he attacked the Government with the utmost bitterness 
and the most consummate power. These letters were issued 
first in 1767, and immediately rivetted the attention of the 
country. They have always attracted an undue amount of 



Man in the Mask. , 247 



interest owing to the mystery which surrounds 
them. It has never been explained who was ^^^^^ author- 
their author. Woodfall, the publisher of The "^^ 
Public Advertiser, always professed utter ignorance as to the 
identity of his unknown correspondent. No one has ever laid 
claim to them. All to whom they were attributed indignantly 
denied the charge. Circumstantial evidence, worked up by the 
skill and care of various historians, seems to point to Sir Philip 
Francis as the true author, nor is there much doubt on the 
question at the present time. Francis himself, however, denied 
the fact invariably ; or at most merely committed himself to an 
equivocation, which might equally mean that he intended to 
claim or disclaim the authorship. It is true that to suppose 
Francis really was the author is to impute to him the rankest 
ingratitude and the most malignant attacks on men who had 
actually benefited him. But the security which protects 
anonymous productions, and which Junius contrived to preserve 
so remarkably, has a tendency at once to blunt the sensibilities 
and to sharpen the desire for fresh victims. 

The letters themselves are remarkable for their clearness of 
style, and the sledge-hammer way in which the author doubly 
" redoubles blow on blow " on the head of his prey. They dis- 
play the utmost public spirit with regard to the 
constitutional disputes of the day ; but they are tlie^Letters^ 
stained by reckless cruelty, fiendish malignity, 
and wilful falsehood of the most unscrupulous kind. He 
JSeglected no form of torture which could wring the heart ; he 
appears to have taken a hideous delight in dilating on the per- 
sonal misfortunes or errors of his political opponents in order to 
arm his barbed shafts with deadlier venom. He was, however, 
in no respect before his age. The repeal of the Stamp Act had 
brought no pleasure to him ; on the contrary he bewailed it as 
the commencement of evils. He disapproved of Grafton's mea- 
sure for repealing the tea tax, while enunciating distinctly a 
claim to the right of taxing America, on the ground that it 
gave up the revenue while retaining the grievance ; . ^ 

but his invective aU through is merely the hearty ^^^^ ^^^s^ 
contempt of a short-sighted critic for such a 
bungling measure, not of a sympathizer with the resistance of 
America. Junius himseK would have retained the tax and not 
the empty xjlaims alone. He was moreover utterly opposed to 
parliamentary reform, maintaining that the franchise was a 



248 The Grafton Ministry, 

right vested in each particular elector, and could not legally be 
diminished in value by any such measure as an extension. The 
letters themselves appeared at a very favourable time, when the 
Grafton Ministry were 'supplying their enemies with ample 
materials for the bitterest satire and invective. Grafton him- 
self became the chief subject of attack. His political mistakes, 
the profligacy of his private life, his disreputable connection 
with Nancy Parsons, his illegitimate descent from Charles 11. , 
all became so many weapons in the hands of this great master 
of the art of invective with which to sear the brain and wring 

the heart-strings. The *' Letter to the Duke of 
the Duke of ° Grafton," by which the campaign was vigorously 
Grafton." opened, traces a parallel between the vices and 

crimes of the Stuarts and those of this illegitimate 
scion of their House, which, in the words of the author, would 
almost serve as a foundation to conjecture, even if the facts 
of Grafton's ancestry were unknown. Among the other 
subjects of the onslaughts of Junius were Lord Mansfield, who 
had approved of the disqualification of Wilkes to sit in Parlia- 
ment, and Blackstone, who in support of the Government had 
contradicted his own commentaries on the law of England. The 
king escaped for a long time owing to the strange error, which 
led the mass of the people to see in him a well-meaning prince, 

The " Letter ^^^^ ^^® ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ couricillors. The *' Letter 
totheKing/^ ^^ ^^® K:iiig," however, of 1769, showed that 

Junius had at last looked behind the thin veil 
which concealed the secret and unconstitutional influence which 
had coloured the events of the preceding years. He accused 
George of violating the Constitution to gratify an unworthy 
personal resentment against Wilkes ; of hazarding the affection 
of the English people ; of plundering and oppressing the Irish ; 
of alienating the hearts of the Americans. Secure behind his 
impenetrable barrier of secrecy, this Assassin in the Iron Mask 
darkly threatened the advent of a new Cromwell to exact 
retribution from the imitator of Charles. 

Violenb and unscrupulous, petty, vulgar, coarse as he was, 
His public ^^^^! *^^ public spirit which Junius displayed, the 

spirit. daring with which he attacked the arbitrary ac- 

tions of the Government, the ruthless skill with 
which he plunged his keen rapier into the crevices and joints 
of their armour, undoubtedly did good service to the cause of 
liberty at a time of imminent danger. 



Nations in Embryo. 249 



ISoofe 1715.— PERSONAL GOVERNMENT OF 

GEORGE III., 1770-82. 



( ( ( < « 



CHAPTER I. 

THE AMERICAN WAR, 1760-83. 

Section 1. — The American Colonies, 1760-64. 

The thirteen American provinces may be divided into three 
distinct groups according to their mode of origin. These were 
the New England Colonies, the Dutch Colonies, and the Southern 
Colonies. 

The first group included Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, and New Hampshire. They were prac- 
tically hounded to the west by the Eiver Hudson -^^^i^ 
and by Lakes George and Champlain, which Colonies, 
form an almost straight boundary -line from 
New York City to the St. Lawrence. These provinces owed 
their origin to the Pilgrim Fathers and other English refugees, 
who sought beyond the Atlantic that freedom of worship which 
was denied them in their mother country. It must be added 
that they did not show themselves much more ready to concede 
toleration to others in America than the Church of England had 
to them. The most important town and the principal seaport 
was Boston, a flourishing city, the capital of the State of Mas- 
sachusetts. 

Next to them came the second group, those colonies which 
had been acquired from the Dutch. These were, strictly speak- 
ing, only New York, New Jersey, and Dela- ^^^^ ^.^^j^ 
ware, an offshoot of New Jersey. The two latter colonies. 
were peopled almost entirely by Quakers, Presby- 



250 The American War, . 

terians, and Anabaptists. The Quakers, however, had spread 
outwards, and formed another province to the west of !N'ew 
Jersey, which was known as Pennsylvania, from the name of 
the great Quaker leader, William Penn. Connected with the 
Quaker states was the province of Maryland, though the con- 
nection was very undefined. As a rule, the Governor of Penn- 
sylvania was also Governor of Maryland, but there was a 
separate Assembly for each state. The principal towns were 
]N"ew York City, at the mouth of the Hudson, and Philadelphia, 
the capital of Pennsylvania, situated on the Delaware. 

To the south of these came the third group, between the 
units of which there was really very little in common, except 
the fact that they cannot possibly be included in either of the 

first two groups. They were Virginia, North 
Colonies. ^^^ ^^^ South Carolina, and Georgia. Virginia, 

separated from Maryland by the broad bed of the 
Potomac, had been originally founded by Ealeigh, who gave it 
the name of Virginia in honour of the " Virgin Queen." It had 
been settled principally by people of a much higher standing than 
the other colonies, and as a rule the inhabitants were members of 
the Church of England. In right of being the oldest and most' 
populated colony, Virginia naturally took up a lofty position- 
among her companions. The Virginians, from their superior 
birth, breeding, and education, were regarded as the- aristo- 
cracy of America. Below Virginia came the two States of 
Carolina which dated from the reign of, and owed their name 
to Charles II. South of South Carolina lay the peculiar State 
of Georgia, which had been founded at the beginning of the 
century by a philanthropist. General Oglethorpe. It was intended 
to be a veritable Cave of Adullam, to which all who were in 
debt or distress should be able to flee for refuge ; and especially 
to afford complete freedom of worship to those who desired to 
escape the religious persecutions of the Old World. 

Between these various sets of colonies there was every kind 
of difference, great and small. ]^ay, the units of the separate 
J.. . , groups were entirely distinct in many particulars^ 
the colonies. from one another. The Governments of the Kew;;, 

England Provinces were by far the most demo- 
cratic in form ; but then Massachusetts was more democratic 
than New Hampshire, Ehode Island than Massachusetts. Most 
of the Governments consisted of a Governor, appointed by the 
Crown, and two Chambers, one of which was usually also 



Transformation', 251 



^ 

nominated by the Crown. la Pennsylvania, however, there was 
only one Chamber ; and in Massachusetts both Chambers were 
elected by the people. There were, besides, differences of climate, 
differences of law, of produce, of temperament, almost of natio- 
naUty, between the various states. It therefore seemed utterly 
impossible that they could ever nnite. It had been impossible 
to get them to act as a confederation hitherto. It is highly 
probable that nothing but the tremendous pressure of the Ameri- 
can War would ever have crushed such ill-fitting fragments into 
one harmonious whole. There was really much more to bind 
them to the mother country than to one another ; and one of 
the great dijB&culties during the Seven Years' War had been the 
impossibility of getting them to act together even for defence. 
It was this which had determined Pitt to effect the conquest of 
Canada, in order to remove the constant source of danger from 
the French colonies, which the English states were totally unable 
to cope with individually. The zeal with which England had 
taken up the question, the ardour with which 
she had prosecuted the war, and the success ^^^}^^ }^ 
which attended it, produced a great outburst of j^^gl ^^ ' 
loyalty, so that the feeling of respect and reve- 
rence for the mother country was never greater than on the very 
eve of the quarrel. 

The colonies, in fact, had every reason to be loyal, and had 
really very few grievances to complain of. They were left very 
much to themselves ; their government, even in the Crown 
colonies, was an extremely liberal one ; they had been protected 
against all enemies. Their one great grievance was 
commercial. They were not allowed to export goods grievance 
to any other country but England \ they were 
obliged to pass aU goods brought from Europe through the 
English custom-houses* before importing them to America ; and 
aU manufactures which would clash with English interests were 
utterly prohibited. Undoubtedly these laws were both mistaken 
iu political economy, and also unjust to the Americans ; but it 
was no peculiar hardship. The principle on which all the 
nations of Europe had founded their colonial establishments was 
that they should be subservient to the interests of the mother 
country, and should trade only with her. Trade was not free 
in Europe. In France it was not even free between province 
aiid province. A series of trade restrictions lay between Eng- 
land and Ireland. Monopolies and privileges of various kinds 



252 The American War, 



\ 



fettered the commerce of England. It was too much, therefore, 
to expect that England should deliberately and suddenly reverse 
her whole commercial system solely in the case of America. 
Nor do the laws appear to have been really a grievance before 
the Ministry of George Grenville. They were very badly ad- 
ministered and evaded with impunity. A vast smuggling trade 
sprang up with the Spanish colonies, which enabled the Ameri- 
cans to get rid of a large portion of their produce by other 
channels than the trade with the mother country. 

It must have been evident to any statesman who looked at 
this matter coolly, that, when the colonies really wished to 
separate, nothing on earth could prevent them ; for it is almost 
/ impossible to conquer such a huge nationality as America, though 
it had proved easy to dispossess the small garrison of Erenchmen 
which had occupied Canada. Hitherto, however, there had 

existed almost a necessity for union between 
separation England and the American colonies, more for 

the interest of the latter than the former. The 
Peace of Paris, 1763, removed this necessity by removing the 
danger existing from the French. This fact was obvious to 
most statesmen at the time. Montcalm even, during the period 
of his Governorship, stated that he believed that the English 
would conquer Canada, but that the conquest would be shortly 
followed by the secession of America; for, when once the 
Erench were driven from their frontiers, the turbulent disposi- 
tion of the colonists and the haughty ascendency of the English 
Government, must lead to a split between the two. 

There was one source of danger, however, left after 1760, and 
this was the Indians. It was to protect the colonies against 
the attacks of these savages that Grenville brought forward his 
scheme in 1763 for unifying and consolidating the colonies into 

one confederation, and, above all, for raising a 
G-renville's colonial army, which was to be paid by taxation 

colonial army. l<^vied by the English Parliament in America. 

This the Americans refused to submit to, on the 
ground that taxation and representation ought to go hand in 
hand ; and that as they were not represented in Parliament,: 
neither ought they to pay taxes voted in Parliament. To the 
argument that they were really already taxed by the English 
commercial measures, they replied by drawing a distinction 
between taxation and customs, and maintaining that the 
latter merely belonged to the general right of regulating trade, 



Dross with the Gold, 253 



which was held to be an inherent attribute of the mother 
country." 

There was, however, a considerable amount of justice in the 
claims of England that the colonies ought to pay the army/" 
which was intended for their defence ; nor is there any doubt ' 
that their resistance was at first due in a great measure to a \ 
vulgar desire to escape the expense. There was no intention on 
the part of Uhe Government to tax America for the benefit of 
England ; all the money thus raised was to be 
applied to the defence of America solely. The sump\ax* 
difference between customs and other forms of 
taxation was really fanciful. There was no distinction in law ; 
and the Crown lawyers all maintained that the one might be 
exercised as readily and lawfully as the other. Even if the 
argument that commerce is an Imperial matter, and hence proper 
to be dealt with in the Imperial Parliament, is of any value, it 
is difficult to realize that the defence of the empire is not a 
matter also of Imperial importance, and equally proper to be 
provided for by the central Government. One thing, however, 
. is remarkably certain — the Americans had no constitutional 
or other objections to urge against the mother country under- , 
taking their defence ; their eloquence was reserved for the 
moment when they were asked to share in paying the bill. 

Moreover, England really had imposed taxation on the 
Americans by the command of the central Government only, 
when she introduced the post-office system among them ; and 
yet this had not excited the slightest comment. From the point 
of law, therefore, of precedent, of common sense, and justice, 
the English Government had the right on their side when they 
imposed the stamp tax on America. But if the question be 
asked whether this measure was expedient, 
whether it was well-maaiaged, whether the oppor- JJenTof if ^' 
tunity was a favourable one, whether Grenville imposition. 
was the man to carry it out successfully, the 
answer is, " No, a thousand times no ! " Moreover, unfor- 
tunately for GrenviUe, the question ran on much broader lines 
than the narrow, vulgar principle of economy on which the 
quarrel was really started. There were petty meannesses, errors 
of judgment, even crimes, committed by the Americans all 
through the struggle, which have left a dark stain on the tangled 
history of that unhappy time ; but in proportion as the attitude 
-of the colonies becomes more threatening, and the action of the 



254 The American War, 

Government more sternly repressive, it is impossible not to see 
that it is really a question of liberty on the one side and tyranny 
on the other. Here, as in the other collisions between the 
Government of George III. and the rising spirit of Democracy^ 
there was no thought of expediency, constitutional law, or jus- 
tice ; all opposition must be at once put down at home and 
abroad. The American War was therefore really but a phase of 

the great struggle with the principle of liberty 
The question which George III, had deliberately entered on. 
struffffle for "^^^ triumph of the Americans marked the mo- 
liberty, ment when the king realized for the first time 

that the powers he had unchained, and the 
resistance he had encountered were far too vast for him to cope 
with successfully, and that his policy of personal government 
must be modified to suit the irresistible force of circumstances* 
The outbreak of the French Eevolution, however, destroyed 
the impetus in favour of liberty which had been the result of 
the American War ; and by driving all the best elements and 
greatest statesmen of the country into a determined reactionary 
policy of repression, enabled the king to recover a large 
measure of the power which he had been compelled to sur- 
render, and obscured the true importance to England of the 
success of her revolted colonies. 

Bection^. — Drifting into War, 1764-75. 

The American War was the result of unpardonable blundering 
on the part of the Government with regard to the taxation 
question, which has been narrated in the history of the pre- 
ceding period. The first step was really the commercial legis* 
lation of George Grenville, which produced both distress and 
discontent in the colonies, and rendered the Americans al^ 
together unwilling to accept such an addition to their burdens 
as the stamp tax of 1765. The stamp tax was repealed by the 
The early Rockingham Ministry, 1766; and for a short 

steps. ^^^ ^^Q breach between England and the colo- 

nies was healed. Unfortunately, however, the ' 
illness of Chatham gave Charles Townshend an opportunity of 
carrying his own views into execution ; and in consequence in 
an ill-advised moment he brought before the House of Commons 
his Bill for imposing import duties on tea, glass, and paper to be 
levied at the American ports, 1767. This measure renewed the 



Fa CI LIS DESCENSUS AvERNI, 255 



hostility of the Americans, which found a vent in organized 
riots of an alarming description. The rioters were in some cases 
artested ; but the utter impossibility of procuring a conviction 
from an American jury led to Bedford's celebrated proposal in 
1768, that they should be removed for trial to England. An 
attempt was made at conciliation by the Duke of Grafton, 
which, was, however entirely spoilt by the miserable pride which 
retained the tea tax as a proof that England had the actual 
right to impose contributions on the colonies. The two last 
measures produced the greatest resentment in America. Eiots 
occurred in all parts with alarming frequency. Collisions be- 
tween the military and the mob seemed daily likely to break 
out. The ancient and aristocratic Colony of Virginia issued an 
order prohibiting the importation of British goods altogether, 
until the duties of 1767 were entirely removed. America was 
rapidly drifting down the stream of rebellion. 

In this electric state of the atmosphere it is not surprising 
that a violent riot broke out in Eoston. The soldiers, who had 
long been exasperated by the outrages and insults of the towns- 
people, stung to fury, fired on the mob with fatal 
effect ; and this ** Boston Massacre " did not tend J^^® g^°fg°^ 
to relieve the high pressure to which public 1770. ' 
opinion was gradually rising in America. SkiKul 
agitators took advantage of this unfortunate affray, for which 
really the injured had their own turbulence and disorder to 
blame. It was determined to try the soldiers for their lives ; 
and, though they were nearly all acquitted, popular opinion re- 
presented the affair as a deliberate and premeditated massacre 
of unoffending citizens. 

The Government of Lord North pursued the policy which 
had so dangerously alienated the Americans. They retained the 
tea tax as a useless and irritating symbol of British ascendency, 
in spite of the absolute refusal of the Americans to purchase any 
tea which had paid the duty to the revenue. In 1772, however, 
the celebrated affair of Hutchinson's Letters still 
further embittered the dispute. Hutchinson, the HutcMnTon 
Governor of Massachusetts, had long carried on a 
correspondence with Mr. Whately, in which he advocated the 
use of strong repressive measures as the only means of pacifying 
America. On Whately's death these letters were stolen, and 
carried to Benjamin Franklin, who was at this time Agent- 
General for several of the colonies. Franklin sent them over 



256 The American War. 

to America, — a thing which he clearly had no right to do j for 
they were private correspondence, and had fallen into his hands 
in a far from legitimate way. Their arrival, however, created a 
great ferment in America ; and the Massachusetts Assemhly pe- 
titioned in violent terms for the removal of Hutchinson. The 
question was brought before the Privy Council, — Franklin 
himself being present as Agent-General. At this session the 
Solicitor-General, Wedderburn, with extraordinary indiscretion 

made a most brilliant but most cuttingly virulent 
Wedderburn's attack on Franklin. He accused him of deliberate 
Franklin. theft for the most malignant of purposes. He 

declared that the execration of Europe would 
pursue him like a second Cain, wherever he hid his dishonoured 
head. He implored the Council to make a terrible example of 
the man who had dared to acknowledge and glory in his crime. 
The Lords of the Council laughed and applauded at each fresh 
stroke of Wedderburn's invective; but Franklin stood calm 
and unmoved, though all eyes were fixed upon him, and all drew - 
aloof from him as from a plague-stricken person. The petition 
of Massachusetts was voted to be scandalous and seditious ; and 
Franklin was ignominiously dismissed from his office of Post- 
master-General for America. The Government, however, had 
acted extremely unwisely. They had inflicted an unpardonable 
outrage on the most sagacious of the American leaders ; and 
neither Franklin, nor the people he represented, were likely to 
forgive or forget it. 

The Government soon imbroiled itself once more with the 
people of Boston. With the view of relieving the East India 

Company, which was heavily in debt, a statute 
TeaBm^*^ was passed in 1773 empowering them to export 
jYY3^ ' their tea from England to America without paying 

any tax at the English ports, subject only to the 
smaller American duties. This would have enabled the Com- 
pany to sell their commodity much cheaper to the colonists, and 
would really have been a great benefit to both parties. The 
colonists fully realized the facts of the case; but they con- 
sidered that the boon was intended as a bribe to seduce them 
into purchasing the taxed tea, and hence recognizing indirectlyi; 

the right of England to impose the duty. The 

Mohawks,^ ^®^!^*^ ^^ *^^^ feeling was that when the tea-ships 
1773. ' arrived at Boston in December, a party of men, 

disguised as Mohaivk Indians, boarded them, 



I^/PE FOR Rebellion. 257 



and flung the whole cargo into the sea. In other places the 
tea-ships were at once obliged to sail back to the Thames. 
^ The news of this violence greatly exasperated both the Go- 
vernment and the English people. Violent measures were at 
once brought forward. No attempt was made to obtain com- 
pensation for the destruction of the tea, or to exact retribu- 
tion from the individual offenders. Nothing less than the 
utter ruin of the whole town in which the outrage had been 
committed would satisfy the Ministry's thirst 
for revenge. A Bill was introduced to destroy ^pston Port 
the commercial prosperity of Boston by remov- ^^' ^''"^** 
ing the custom house to Salem and closing the Port. A 
second Bill was introduced for the amendment 
of the Massachusetts Charter, transforming it Massachu- 
into a Crown Colony of the closest description ; BufmY*^' 
in which the Council and all the officers were ' 

to be nominated by the Crown and the Governor. These 
two measures rendered any reconciliation impracticable for the 
future j and from this moment the war became inevitable. 

In spite of the powerful attacks of Chatham and Burke, 
and the pungent criticism of Charles Fox, who amply revenged 
himself on the Ministry for his ejection from the Treasury, the 
Government insisted on enforcing these injudicious severities-. 
A general revolt followed immediately. A Com- 
mittee of Public Safety was organized in Massa- ^g^'^^f ^^ . 
chusetts to direct the resistance, enrol militiamen, ^^ colonists 
and, if necessary, conduct hostilities against the 1774, 
Enghsh Commandaiit, General Gage. A General 
Congress of Kepresentatives from all the States, except 
Georgia, met at Philadelphia, and issued a Declaration of 
Rights. In this remarkable document they set forth a state- 
ment of their inherent rights as Englishmen, and maintained 
that these had been infringed by the recent legislation of the 
Home Government. Matters, in fact, became so threatening 
that Gage made every preparation for fortifying Boston. 

In England public opinion was strongly against the Ameri- 
cans, and on this occasion, George, who was firmly determined 
that the Government should not give way an inch, 
found himself once more the representative of '^^^}^ . 
national feeling, which he had so long defied and England 
disregarded. A general election, held amid the 1775. 
excitement produced by the resistance of America, 

8 



258 ' The American War. 



gave ai strong majority to Ministers, and practically a blank; 
cheque to the king. In vain did Chatham bring forward a 
proposal for reconciliation in 1775. It was rejected by over- 
whelming numbers. The march of circumstances proceeded 
with frightful rapidity. :> i, / ,< 

■ Section Z,—ThQ War with America, 1775-77. 

The long-expected collision at last took place in the little 
skirmish of Lexington. Gage had sent out a 
Battle of small expedition to seize the stores and disperse 

ADrir 1775 *^® militiamen who were gradually assembling 
' ' at Concord, the seat of the rebel Committee of 
Massachusetts. The royal troops were attacked on their re- 
turn at Lexington, and chased with considerable loss all the 
way to Boston. 

War at once broke out. The Congress assumed sovereign 
authority. Colonel Washington, a Yirginian 
Outbreak of gentleman (the Major Washington, who was 
^*^* , defeated at Great Meadows in 1754), was ap-. 

pointed Commander-in-Chief. An expedition was sent to in- 
vade Canada. And every nerve was strained to organize and 
discipline an army. 

In June a desperate struggle occurred outside Boston for the 
possession of Bunker's Hill, a position which 
Battle of commanded the town. The Americans fought 

ms ' with the most determined daring and des- 

peration, but were eventually obliged to aban- 
don the height to the English. The attack on Canada 
proved a failure. The Canadians had no sympathy with the 
Americans ; had no special grievances against the Enghsh 
Government ; while their national feeling was insulted by the 
invasion. However, Lord Howe, Gage's successor, was obliged 
to evacuate Boston and Halifax. Congress, rejecting the 
offers of the Government to receive and pardon all who sub- 
mitted, took the final irrevocable step, and 

?ndepeBdrce ^^^^^ ^^^ Declaration of Independence, July 4, ; 

1776. ' ' ■ 

The English now determined to reconquer by force of arms '' 

the country they had lost. The difficulties, however, which be- i 

set this design were so vast that there was really very littl^ ' 



Saratoga, 259 



hope of success. The English plan was to 
piake New York the centre of operations, and "^^^ English 
at the same time execute a flank attack on the paign 1777 • 
rebel leaders from Canada. Howe was to con- 
duct the campaign in the Jerseys. Bnrgoyne was to march 
down Lakes Champlain and George from Canada. Clinton 
was to co-operate with him from New York. Thus the New 
England States would be entirely cut off from the Southern 
States, and the rebellion might be crushed in detail. 

This elaborate plan, however, fell through entirely. Washing- 
ton, defeated again and again by Howe in the Jerseys, contrived 
each time to draw off his troops with honour. , At the end of 
the campaign he retired to Valley Forge, where he spent the 
winter in organizing, disciplining, and inspiriting . .. 
his ragged forces. The two Northern armies 
failed to co-operate altogether ; and Burgoyne, cut off froni 
Canada, surrounded by at least four times his own number, 
and without any hope of reinforcements, was obliged to sur- 
render to General Gates at Saratoga, October 17, 1777. 

" Burgoyne, unconscioQS of impending fates, 
Could cut his way through woods, but not through Gates,'* 

rail the popular epigram which celebrated the dis- 

aster of this gallant but unfortunate officer. There lYr^oyne, ^ 

were really very strong reasons for the surrender ^^^ 17^ 1777. 

at the time ; but the after-consequences of it 

were so vast that the circumstances were entirely forgotten, and 

the fact itself denounced in language of the most violent and 

ibitterest character. 



|, &edi(m 4..— The General War, 1777-83, 

The surrender of Burgoyne was followed immediately by the 
publication of a treaty of commerce between 
France and America ; and in spite of fresh efforts Treaty wm 
on the part of Lord North to effect a reconcilia- ^^^^ ' 
tion, the treaty was ratified by Congress, with 
a distinct understanding that they should make no peace with 
jjngland, unless the latter would consent to recognize the inde- 
pendence of America. 

s 2 



260: The American War. 



The position of England was now one of such, peril, that 
in spite of the hostility of the king and people to America, 
Lord North insisted that the only way by which the in- 
tegrity of the Empire could be maintained was the assump- 
tion of the Government by Lord Chatham, with the view to 

effecting a reconciliation by judicious concessions, 
Chatham "^^^ death of Chatham, however, destroyed this 

May 11, 1778. hope ; and after a last attempt at conciliation, 

which was scornfully rejected by the Americans, 
Lord North was persuaded by the king, against his own con- 
victions, to remain in office and to carry on the war. 

The long pent-iip feelings of jealousy with which England 
had been regarded by the Powers of Europe now found at 
last expression. Spain (1779) and Holland (1780) were soon 

added to the list of her open enemies. A com- 
mlritfmewar ^i^^^d French and Spanish fleet besieged Gib. 
1778-80. ' raltar, 1779. The Baltic Powers, headed by 

Catherine 11. of Kussia, formed the Armed Neu- 
trality, 1780,. and declared themselves prepared to resist by 
force the further execution of the English claim to confiscate 
the goods of her enemies when found on board a neutral 
vessel. The whole maritime power of Europe was arrayed 
against her ; and for a short time she entirely lost the supre- 
macy of the seas. The English fleets crouched in harbours 
and inlets ; while the Count de Grasse rode triumphant on 
the American seaboard, and the Bailli ^ de Sufirein lorded it 
in the Indian Ocean. 

Meanwhile disasters had dogged our footsteps in America, 
The capture of Charleston suggested the idea of a campaign 
in South Carolina. This plan was vigorously put irito execution 

by Lord Cornwallis, who had been sent south by 
SoX&'' Clinton. Again and again he defeated the 
Una, 1779-81. American General, Greene ; but his force was too 

scanty to allow him to follow up his successes, 
and in consequence the Americans gradually recovered the 
whole of South Carolina and Georgia, except Charleston and 
Savannah. CornwaUis' position, in fact, became extremely 
critical in 1781. He was opposed, almost surrounded, by an 
overwhelming army of the enemy ; there was no prospect of 
reinforcements or supplies ; the Erench fleet rode off the coast 
with a far superior weight of metal to that of the English. The 
result was that he found himself besieged in York Town, not 

i 



York Town, 261 



far froni Chesapeake Bay, by an army of 18,000 
men, with a fine train of artillery. When every Surrender of 
hope of assistance had faded, and all attempts at ^^81 ' 

escape had failed, CornwaUis, like Burgoyne, sub- 
mitted to the inevitable, and surrendered, October 18, 1781. 
This practically ended the war in America, and caused the fall 
of Lord North's Ministry. 

V Meanwhile the maritime war had been almost equally disas- 
trous for England. Minorca had surrendered to the Duke de 
Crillon. The whole of the Leeward Islands, 
except Barbadoes and Antigua, were lost. The Disasters of 
siege of Gibraltar was pressed on with astonish- ^^ ^^ * 
ing vigour. The great success of France stimulated her hopes 
and ambition. Therefore, when England made overtures for 
peace in 1782, the Erench Minister, Vergennes, dema,nded that 
the- southern part of the Indian peninsula should 
be yielded to Erance, and that England should be th^Prench 
Scontent with Bengal. The surrender of York 
Town had inspired a belief that the power of England was 
Waning. The French hoped to oomplete her discomfiture, and 
bring her to her knees by the capture of Gibraltar and Jamaica. 
They steadily therefore refused to listen to negotiations on the 
basis of the Treaty of 1763; and all the allies threw in their 
lot with France except America. Ajnerica, satisfied with having 
Secured her independence, arranged a secret accommodation with 
England, thus throwing her friends completely over. This treaty, 
however, was not to be revealed till peace was concluded with 
, J^rance. Gratitude plays a scanty role in politics. 

The tide, however, soon turned in favour of England. Eodne]^ 
caught the French expedition under the Count de Grasse on the 
way to Jamaica, and won a splendid victory by the new ma- 
noeuvre of hreaicing the line, 1782. This consisted in advancing 
in column against the enemy's line, passing 
> through the middle, and surrounding one half J^'V^^J °^ 
with his whole fleet. It was easy to destroy \*i^2, ' 
them, thus outnumbered, before the other haft 
could come to their assistance. The vigorous defence of Eliott, 
and the natural strength of the place, enabled Gibraltar to hold 
out against all the efforts of the French and Spaniards, till the 
arrival of Lord Howe with an English squadron compelled them 
to raise the siege and retire discomfited, 1782. 

These great successes compelled the allies to accept peace on 



262 The American War, 

far more reasonable terms, which was signed at Versailles, 
January, 1783. It confirmed the provisional treaty with 

America, by which her independerice had been 
Treaty of formally recognized, her northern boundary de-^ 

Jan 1783 fined, and commercial relations established. To 

France England ceded the little islands of St. 
Pierre and Miquelon in the Gulf of the St. Lawrence, and the 
West African settlements, Goree and Senegal, In the West 
Indies all conquests were mutually restored, except Tobago, 
which was given to France. In the East Indies all conquests 
were restored, except the Dutch town of Negapatam, which was 
retained by England. The Eloridas were restored to Spain, 
England receiving in exchange the Bahamas and the right of 
cutting logwood in Honduras. The old Dunkirk Treaty with 
France was formally abandoned. This settlement was definitely 
confirmed by Parliament in September, 1783. 

Thus ended the third act of the great duel between England 
and France for the New World, which had begun in the Jenkins' 
Ear War. The American War had developed into a renewal of 
the old struggle between France and England for maritime and 

colonial supremacy, and though France had been 
Franc^* ^ foiled in her efforts to recover the ground lost in 

the Seven Years' War, she had revenged herself 
by helpirig America to independence. She was yet to make one 
more hopeless attempt to dispute with England the dominion of 
the seas and the New World in the Revolutionary and Na- 
poleonic Wars. She was unable, however, in spite of the most 
desperate and gigantic efforts, to reverse the decision which had 
been pronounced in favour of England. 



Warren Hastings. 263 



1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 



CHAPTEE IL 

INDIA, 1773-83. 

After the return of Clive affairs in India gradually drifted from 
bad to worse, until in 1772 the Company was obliged to borrow 
money from the Government to carry on at aU. A fearful 
famine was desolating Bengal ; Hyder Ali, a Mohammedan 
freebooter, who had made himself Sultan of Mysore, kept up a 
^continual war with Madras. The funds of the Company were at 
the lowest ebb. 

Lord North's Regpilating Act was therefore passed, com- 
mitting the government of India to a Governor- 
General and four CounciUors. The Governor- ^^^^^i^^S^'* 
General was Warren Hastings ; the Councillors, Act ^1773.^ 
Messrs. BarweU and Philip Francis, General 
Clavering, and Colonel Monson. The dividends of the Company 
were limited to six per cent, until the Government loan should 
be repaid ; and they were given the privileges with regard to 
the export of tea to America which produced such disastrous 
results. A Supreme Court of justice was also established, which 
was to be independent of the Indian Government. 

This Warren Hastings had been appointed Governor of Ben- 
gal in 1772 ; and had been already concerned in some very 
important affairs. He had abolished the office of ^^j^^.^^ 
native Minister of Fioance, thereby inspiring Hastings, 
^deadly enmity in the heart of Nuncomar, an 
influential Brahmin, who had hoped to obtain it. He had re- 
arranged the land tax, so that the Company obtained a higher 
* revenue. He had cut off half the allowance of the Nabob of 
Bengal. Lastly, in his necessity of accumulating money to 
satisfy his greedy masters in England, Hastings had unscrupu- 
lously let out English troops for forty lacs of rupees to the Vizier 
of Oude, in. order that the latter might subdue and outrage a 



264 India, 

free people called the Rohillas. Some rumours of tliis had 
reached England, and so the new councillors came out strongly- 
prejudiced against Hastings. 

A conflict now ensued between Francis, supported by Claver- 

ing and Monson, and Hastings, backed by Barwell 

Strife between ^lone. J^uncomar, eager for revenge, offered to 

Hasting^^ prove Hastings guilty of high crimes, and the 

Council determined to put him on trial. Matters 
were approaching a difficult crisis, when Nuncomar was arrested 
on a charge of forgery, and condemned to be hung by the 
Supreme Court. Whether Hastings had got up the charge is 
uncertain. He asserted on oath that he had nothing to do with 
it. But certainly it came very opportunely for him. From that 
day his power was secure, for no Hindoo was brave enough to 

T7 4.-^ «-P I'isk the anger of one who had struck down 

Execution 01 .i i. j r. ^i • t • tt- 

Nnnuomar. ^^^ neaa oi their religion. His supremacy was 

' more completely established by the death of 

Monson, which enabled him, with the help of his casting vote, 
to command a permanent majority in the Council. 

War, however, was on the eve of breaking out all over India. 
"War 1779 84 "^"^^ Bombay Government had embroiled them- 
selves with the Mahrattas by supporting Eaghoha, 
who had been deposed from the headship of that nation for 
murder. War was declared between England and France in • 
1779, and must necessarily extend to India. In 1780 Hyder 
Ali took advantage of the difficulties of the English to flood the 
Camatic with his irregular cavalry, and advanced rapidly on 
Madras. Hastings, however, acted decidedly and immediately. 
He captured Chandemagore and Pondicherry. He concluded 
the Treaty of Salbhye, 1782, with the Mahrattas. He sent all 
the money and troops he could collect to Madras under the 
„ . , command of Sir Eyre Coote. Two great victories 

BncS' ^f ^<>^to ^ovo and PoUilore freed the Camatic, 

and the death of Hyder Ali enabled the English 

, to carry on the struggle more successfully against his son, the 
far inferior Tippoo. The general peace of Versailles, in 1783, 
ended the war with the Dutch and French. A separate agree- 
ment of Mangalore was made with Tippoo on the basis of 
mutual restoration of all conquests, 1784. 

It was to sustain the burden of these wars that Hastings 
committed the most daring and cruel of the acts of oppression 

/ for which he was afterwards impeached. He demanded 50,000?. 
from Cheyte Sing, the tributary Kajah of Benares, which he 



Begums of Oude. ^265 ) 



tad a perfect right to do; but as the latter delayed to pay, 

Hastings at once raised the sum to 500,000/. He 

even went to Benares and arrested Cheyte Sing chevte^Sinff 

in person. The result was a furious riot, in 

which Hastings' life was in considerable danger. British troops, 

however, were rapidly marched up ; the Nabob was expelled ; 

his property seized, and a fresh arrangement made with a 

new Nabob at a far higher tribute. 

The constant drain of the war, and the eternal cry of the 
Directors for " more," led Hastings into fresh paths of crime. 
The Vizier of Oude was a ruffian, and wanted money. He thought 
he could get it by robbing his mother and grandmother, — the 
Segums of Oude. He thought it safest, however, 
to promise half to the English Government if ofoude. 
they would allow the villainy to be done. Hast- 
ings considered the idea- a good one. The Begums' city was 
therefore blockaded, and reduced by famine ; the Princesses 
themselves were atrociously ill-used j their two ancient minis- 
ters were imprisoned, starved, and tortured. Then the Nabob 
took possession of the Begums' land ; Hastings received about a 
million of money for the Company. It was urged as a reason 
for these atrocities that the Princesses had endeavoured to rouse 
an insurrection in Oude ; but no proof was ever advanced to 
support this statement. 

To Warren Hastiugs we owe the preservation of our Empire 
in India at a time of imminent danger. He 
must be regarded as second in the list of great c^fmes^of ^^ 
Warriors and illustrious statesmen by whom that Hastings, 
mighty fabric has been reared. Great excuses 
are to be found for him in all his actions, arising from the 
malice of Erancis, the customs of the natives, and the rapacity 
of the Directors. But with regard to the Rohilla question, the 
treatment of Cheyte Sing, and the Begums of Oude, Englishmen 
must ever regret that such distinguished talents and such strik- 
ing administrative powers should have been dimmed in the eyes 
of posterity by crimes of such magnitude. 

Eumours of misgovernment and oppression were heard 
vaguely in England. More tangible grounds for 
censure was the fact that the Company could not f^^y^er.' 
pay its way, but was obliged to borrow from ference. 
Government. Tentative attempts were made to 
^provide a remedy ; but it was not till 1783 that a great- and 
sweeping measure was introduced by Charles James Fox. 



266 Ireland. 



1) CHAPTER III. 

IRELAND, 1779-82. 

The state of Ireland during the early part of the century was 
literally that of a conquered country. The Irish were regarded 
and treated as the " common enemy." They had hardly any 
rights at aU ; not even the ordinary right of personal liherty. 

The Church was the Church of the Protestant minority, and 
was supported hy tithes levied chiefly from the Catholic majority, 

all great landowners being exempted. There 

were very few Churchmen altogether. A number 
of pluralists filled innumerable benefices, and performed thek 
duties very inadequately. Frequent scandals were the result.; 
and a case is on record where the management or mismanagei- 
ment of the spiritual welfare of a whole district was practically 
n the hands of a girl of twenty years of age. ^ 

The Catholic religion was strictly. proscribed as in England, 

and with even greater severity. Intermarriages 
of the"^^'*''' between people of different faith were forbidden 
Catholics. under heavy penalties. The rewards offered for 

the capture of priests made priest-hunting a 
regular trade. The only schools allowed to exist in the country- 
were the Charter Schools, supported by Government, which 
were conducted on a strictly Protestant basis. So that reahy 
in times of distress Catholic parents were exposed to the temp- 
tation of handing over their children to be kept at these schools 
and educated in the Protestant faith, in order to save them from 
perishing of famine. 

Moreover, the landlords were all Protestants, and in most 
cases absentees. There was absolutely no sympathy between 
Ah t e'am ^^^^^ ^'^^ their tenants. The latter were exposed 
and oppres- ^^ ^^ oppression of the bailiff, against whom it 
sion. was almost impossible to get any redress in the 



1 I I \ 1 I \ 



Wrongs of Ireland. 267 

courts. The former regarded his estates solely as a means of 
revenue, and had very little knowledge even of the tyranny 
practised in his name. 

The commercial and material prosperity of Ireland had been 
dehberately destroyed for the benefit of England. Its wool 
trade was utterly prohibited ; its hempen trade limited ; and 
many other branches of commerce altogether stifled com^^ergg 
in the interest of the English producers. Its 
linen manufacture was allowed to continue, but it received no 
encouragement from England, and the country was too utterly 
impoverished to support it properly. 

The Government of Ireland consisted of a Lord-Lieutenant 
and a Parliament. The Irish House of Commons numbered 
300 members, of whom 216 represented boroughs m nt 

of the type known as rotten. The franchise, in 
fact, was in a worse state even than in England. The Houses 
themselves were more corrupt than even their English equiva- 
lents. Nominally this Parliament had fuU taxing and legis- 
lative powers. Actually it was entirely subject to the English 
Privy Council j for by Poyning's Law (passed 1485) no Bill 
could be brought in without the approval, or passed without the 
assent of that body. An additional statute passed in the sixth 
year of George I. gave the English Parliament the power of 
making statutes which should be binding on Ireland without 
any necessity for the consent of the Irish Parliament. 

The result was that Ireland was in a very wretched state. 
The poverty of the people was something terrible. They were 
yearly exposed to the danger of famine. Agrarian jj^g^^y ^^ ^j^^ 
outrages were common aU through the country, country. 
But still there was no active disloyalty, nor- any 
attempt to throw off the heavy yoke of England. Thurot, as 
we have seen, met with no sympathy in 1760. Not a breath 
of sedition stirred the air during the Seven Years' War. 

The example of the Americans, however, encouraged the 
Irish to an attempt to better their condition. They demanded 
commercial freedom, and in this they were supported by the 
powerful voice of Burke. Small relief, however, was given 
them ; and so Grattan, the leader of the National party, deter- 
mined to apply pressure to the Government, y^ji^^tgers. 
Companies of volunteers had been formed in 
1779 aU through the country, with the consent of the Govern- 
ment, to perform the work of protection against any hostile 



268 



Ireland, 



attempt on tlie part of France, which the Ministry confessed 
themselves unable to do owing to the necessity of concentrating 
all their forces on America. Belying on this army, Grattan 
compelled the Irish Parliament to demand free trade, and to 

grant supplies for six months only. Alarmed at 
eauaUty'^* this threatening demonstration, and fearing to 

lose Ireland as he had lost America, Lord l^orth 
introduced a measure allowing Ireland complete equality with 
England in all commercial matters, 1780. 

Encouraged by this concession, Grattan raised his demands, 
and insisted on the repeal of Poyning's Law and 6 Geo. L 
His position was now much stronger, and the organization of 
the volunteers more complete. A great meeting, therefore, was 

held at Dnnganiion, which accepted Grattan's 
independence. Proposals; and once more the Irish Parliament 

was coerced into passing a motion declariug the 
perfect legislative independence of Ireland. So dangerous was 
the agitation existing in Ireland at this time that the Eocking- 
ham Ministry, though well foreseeing the evils which must 
follow, were obliged to consent unwillingly, 1782. There can- 
not be any doubt that this measure precipitated, and rendered 
absolutely necessary, the ultimate legislative union of England 
and Ireland. 



I I I I I 




Lord North. 269 



CHAPTEE IV. 

EVENTS IN ENGLAND, 1770-82. 

Section I. —Lord Noiili, 1770-82. 

And so, after a ten years* struggle, the king had at last 
triumphed over the Whig party. The Opposition was entirely 
disorganized. The Bedford and Grenville Whigs were practi- 
cally identi6ed with the Government. Chatham and Eocking- 
ham were openly hostile ; but they were as eager 
to oppose and humiliate one another, as to attack ^^^^^^^^j.^^ 
the Government. Their opposition, therefore, ^^^^^ 
was not of much value, and the strength of the 
Government was almost irresistible. So obvious was it that 
there was no hope of the Opposition in its present disunited 
condition ever obtaining office, that many, like the great Whig 
lawyer, Wedderbum, swallowed their opinions, and joined the 
Government. The result was that an entire stagnation of public 
business set in for some time, broken only by the disgraceful 
and ridiculous bickering of the two sections of the Whigs. 
Junius, in despair, flung down his pen. His mission had failed. 
He would write no more. 

At the head of this singular Government was Lord North, Lord 
Guilford's son. He was an awkward, bulky man, with swollen 
cheeks and staring eyes, which enabled his enemies to nickname 
him "the Blind Trumpeter." He was, however, an extremely 
able and business-like statesman, had great common sense, and 
was blessed with a singularly sweet temper, which enabled him 
to hear unmoved the bitterest attacks of his enemies. He had 
a great tendency to fall asleep at almost any time j and he found 
the ejffect of Parliamentary eloquence so extremely sleep-com- 
pelling, that he ahnost destroyed the pleasure of parliamentary 
opposition. The most violent invective fell unheeded at times 



270 Events in England . 

jb ^ — ■ 

on the recumbent figure of Lord North ; and it was to no pur- 
pose that the orator accused him of slumbering over the ruin of 
the Constitution. The charge might be true, but Lord North 
did not hear it. 

This Ministry was eminently the king's instrument. It was 
supported by the royal influence ; it consisted mainly of the 
King's Friends. Grenville and Granby died in 1770. Sand- 
wich, Grafton, Wedderburn, Suffolk, Whately, all deserted the 

Whigs. Charles Fox, Sir Edward Hawke, Lords 
the^g^^ Hillsborough and Halifax were included in its 

ranks. Its strength seemed irresistible, and it 
was governed solely by the king. ^'Not only did the king 
direct his Ministers in all important matters of domestic and 
foreign policy ; but he suggested the management of debates in 
Parliament, what motions should be made or opposed, and how 
measures should be carried. He reserved for himself all the 
patronage. He arranged the cast of the administration* the 
places of Ministers, law officers, members of the household. He 
nominated and promoted the English and Scotch judges; 
managed all the preferments in the Church ; disposed of the 
military governments, regiments, and commissions." All this 
patronage was used solely to create a party in both Houses, 
and the control of this party enabled the king to do exactly 
what he pleased in Parliament. The result was that the power 
of the Crown, almost as obsolete as prerogative itself, revived 
and flourished with extraordinary vitality under the new title of 
influence. Formerly the Opposition had inveighed against the 
secret influence of Bute ; but now they saw more clearly be- 
hind the figure of Lord North the baneful influence of George III. 
liimself. To George, therefore, is directly due aU the disasters 
of the time. He it was who was determined not to yield an 
inch to the Americans ; who insisted on the prosecution of the 

war ; who persuaded Lord North not to " desert" 
pohcv^o7^ him when the latter's own convictions were 

George. against continuing the struggle. He it was 

who persistently opposed Economical and Par- 
liamentary Eeform, and marshalled his forces steadily night 
after night to oppose the motions of Chatham, Burke, and Dun- 
ning. He insisted on continuing the proceedings against the 
printers, even when Lord North considered it advisable to drop 
them. The Whig Governments, corrupt as they were, had at 
least avoided open conflict with the people. Now, however, 
the Ministry was brought disastrously into collision again and 




Personal Government. 271' 



again with public opinion by the narrow-minded obstinacy of 
the king. During the American War it is true that public 
opinion was with the king against the rebels ; but this agree- 
ment was short-lived, was soon broken by the disastrous issue 
of the war, and was due, not to affection for George, but hatred 
for America. 

Perhaps one of the most important elements from which the 
new-born power of the Crown derived its exuberant vitality was 
the vast wealth which flowed into the country from India, and 
was used by the Indian civil servants and officers mu x ^. 
to purchase parliamentary influence. These men Nabobs, 
were accustomed to the despotic principles of 
government, which were necessary in India. They naturally 
therefore leant towards the royal power, and swelled the party 
of the King's Friends, Lord Clive and Warren Hastings, two 
of the most distinguished of the Company's officials, supported 
the king steadily both in and out of Parliament. 

The well-head, however, from which this royal influence 
flowed was to be found in the corrupt state of the representative 
system, and the unprincipled policy by which the whole Crown 
patronage was uniformly dispensed for purely (j^jy^^p^j^^ 
party purposes. Matters had grown worse since 
the days of Newcastle. In 1770, 192 members of the House 
of Commons held places under Government. In 1782 no less 
than 11,500 revenue officers were employed. All these public 
officials were bound to vote as bidden on pain of instant dis- 
missal. An attempt was made to restore purity in 1770 to the 
decision of contested elections, which had de- £1^^^^^,^ 
generated into a mere party question irrespective petitions, 
of justice. Mr. GrenviUe introduced a measure 
providing that a committee of thirteen should be chosen from 
forty-nine members selected by ballot, and that this committee 
should be sworn to decide aU contested elections truly. The 
BiU became law ; but means were found to influence the elec- 
tion of the committee, and very little good was the result. The 
constituencies, with the exception of the counties, -^^^^^^^ 
were practically the property either of the land- boroughs, 
owner or any one who was rich enough to buy 
them up. Some boroughs even had the effrontery to offer them- 
selves openly for sale. It was natural that when a man had 
paid a large sum to secure his seat he should endeavour to 
recoup himself by an official salary. The result was an extra- 
ordinary subdivision of useless places of every kind for the pur- 



t 272 Events in England, 



pose of bribing members \ others received pensions openly or 

secretly from the king, and to such an extent was 
" ^^' this system carried, that in 1776, in spite of the 

frugality of the king and queen, there was a deficit of 600,000Z. 
in the royal accounts. Servants, tradesmen, and such unim- 
portant people had been kept without their money for years in 
order that the glorious work of maintaining the influence of 
the. Crown by bribing members of Parliament might proceed 
unchecked. 

To enforce his system the king professed himself ready to 
adopt the most extreme measures. He once threatened to have 

recourse to the sword rather than yield. He 

Determina- several times said he would return to Hanover if 
tion of George , . • j i-r i t i 

to be king. certain measures were carried. He warned Lord 

North that if necessary he would refuse his assent 
to an obnoxious Bill, though the royal veto had not been used 
since the beginning of the century. 

Lord North, strangely enough, submitted to be his mouth- 
piece, and to carry out his orders, even when contrary to his 
own views. He appears to have regarded George in the light of 

a Commander-in-chief, whom he was bound to 
servience^ of ' ^^^^ implicitly as long as he remained in office ; 
North. while to quit his post without permission would 

amount to desertion. On this principle he con- 
tinued to prosecute the American War, although he held in his 
heart that its continuance must end in ruin to the kuig and 
country. It was not therefore that North's heart or head were 
defective. But knowing well the unwisdom of his own action, 
he submitted unquestionably to George's commands through a 
mistaken sense of duty. 

Secfipn 2. — Lord North's Foreign Policy, 1770-72. 

The foreign policy of Lord North before the American War 
has at all times met with undeserved obloquy. 

The English and Spaniards had both settlements on the Falk- 

Tlie Falkland ^^^^ ^^^^^' ^^ ^^^®' 1770, a force of Spaniards 
Islands, 1770. ^ ^^^ Buenos Ayres expelled the English. This 

outrage was not due to weakness on North's part, 
but was deliberately planned by Choiseul to produce war. The 
disgrace of Choiseul removed at once the chance of war and the 
necessity for vigorous action by the English Government, for 
his successors were as peaceful as he had been bellicose. 



The Printers^ Case, 273 

' WitK regard to the partition of Poland effected by the three 
Powers — Austria, Russia, and Prussia, in 1772, it is difficult to 
see what England could have done. Single-handed she could 
not have coped with the three Powers. The 
only remaining nation of importance not engaged The partition 
in this crime was her old enemy Prance, with yi^2. ' 
whom it would be unreasonable to expect her to 
have suddenly united. Moreover, she had been accustomed to 
regard with favour the rise of Russia as forming a balance to 
Prance. To have united with Prance against Russia, therefore, 
— had Prance been willing — would have been enlightened 
pohcy ; but it would have directly reversed all the traditions of 
English diplomacy. 

Section 3.— Lord North's Ministry, 1770-80. 

The events of Lord North's Ministry other than the American 
War may be summed up very briefly. In 1770 pj.i^iig„g 
Mr. Grenville's Election Petition Act, before re- 
ferred to, was passed. In the same year Privilege of Parlia- 
ment was limited strictly to persons of members — a salutary and 
necessary reform. In 1771 the fooHsh irritability of Colonel 
George Onslow plunged the Government into a fresh contest 
with Wilkes and the printers. He drew attention to the 
pubhshing of parliamentary reports, which was now done 
openly. For this he was vilified in various papers by the 
title of *' Little cocking George," and other opprobrious epi- 
thets. A number of printers were in conse- ;g^gpQj.^ij^g^ 
quence summoned before the House, and repri- 
manded on their knees. One, Miller, however, refused to 
attend, and gave the messenger, who tried to arrest him, into 
custody for assault. The Lord Mayor Crosby, and Aldermen 
Oliver and Wilkes, before whom the case was brought, com- 
mitted the messenger for an infringement of the privileges of 
the City. The king was furious ; insisted on the punishment 
of Crosby and Oliver;— /^e had had enough of Wilkes, The two 
were committed to Newgate, but the question of reporting was 
wisely dropped, and has never been interfered with since. 
To the great disappointment of Wilkes he was left entirely alone. 
^ His influence began to decline. He quarreUed ^^^ ^^ 
I with Home Tooke and the Bill of Rights Society, wilkes. 



i_l- — ...^K.w«>>kl <^« y-J rv 4-v v^ j^ 



274 ^EvkNts IN England, . 

In 1772 an attempt was made to relieve Dissenting ministers 

from the necessity of subscribing the Thirty-Mne 
issen ers. Articles ; but this measure was rejected by the 
House of Lords. In 1772, in consequence of the Dukes of 
Cumberland and Gloucei^ter, the king's brothers, having married 
^ „ commoners, the Royal Marriage Act was passed, 

riage Act ' "which forbade members of the royal family to 

marry without the king's leave, until they had 
attained twenty-five years of age. After that age they must 
give twelve months' notice of any intended marriage. In 1773 
Lord North's Act for the regulation of India was passed, which, 
among other provisions, allowed the Company special privileges 
. . with regard to the importation of tea into 

America. In 1774 Charles Fox was dismissed 
from the Government for insubordination, and in consequence 
turned Whig on the American question. The year was chiefly 
remarkable for the violent debates and the equally violent mea- 
sures with regard to Massachusetts. In 1775 the conciliatory 
proposals of Chatham and Burke were thrown out and the war 
Wilkes began. In 1776 Wilkes, who had been allowed 

to take his seat for Middlesex two years beforsj 
brought in a motion for Parliamentary Eeform, which was 
rejected. In the same year the Whigs endeavoured to produce 
a moral effect on the Government by ceasing to attend Parha- 
ment, the only result being to facilitate the despatch of public 
business. In 1777 Lord Chatham moved an address imploring 
the king to arrest the disasters in America by timely conces- 
sions, but the motion was lost, as a matter of course. In 1778 

Lord North, feeling the necessity for conciliatory 
wishes to measures, wished to resign, and transfer the task 

resign. ^^ appeasing the colonists to Chatham. The 

king offered all possible opposition to this, and 
almost forced I^orth to remain. His continuance in office was 
Death of ^^ doubt, however, mainly facilitated by the 

Chatham. death of Chatham, who died protesting to the^^' 

last against granting independence to America, - 
but insisting on all concessions short of that. In the same yea^ 
Sir George Savile succeeded in repeahng the three most gailing j 
Catholics ^^ ^^® disabilities of the Eoman Catholics, vi^., the \ 

punishment of their priests by perpetual impri- 
sonment for performing mass ; their incapacity to acquire or 
inherit land ; the restrictions on the education of their children, i 



Drifting dowN', 275 



The result of this measure was that in 1780 a terrible riot took 
place. Lord George Gordon, accompanied by 
60,000 men, presented a petition against the ^°^^o^ ^iots. 
tfepeal at the doors of the Houses of Parliament. From thence 
th6 mob rushed to the City to plunder and wreck the houses of 
I the principal Catholics and their well-wishers. For four days 
London was in the hands of a furious rabble. JSTewgate was 
' burnt to the ground ; thirty-six fires were blazing in different 
parts of the City. The mayor and authorities seemed utterly 
paralyzed. At last the king, relying on the 
Opinion of his Solicitor-General that a soldier was Vigorous 
\also a citizen and could interfere to prevent the ^ing^ ^^*^^ 
commission of felonies even though the Kiot 
Act had not been read, ordered the troops out and suppressed 
'the rioters by volleys of musketry. Lord George Gordon was 
>foohshly tried for high treason and acquitted. Undoubtedly 
*the king's decision on this occasion saved the City from being 
totally wrecked. 



Section L — Fall of Lord JSTorth's Mirdstry, 1779-82. 

By 1779 a feeling was gradually growing up in the country 
^that it would be necessary after all to abandon America, and to 
concentrate our attention on our other enemies. The alarming 
.' fcambination of France, Spain, and Holland 
against usj the humiliating spectacle of a foreign jjorth ^^^ ^ 
fleet commanding the English Channel, the 
threatening attitude of the Northern Powers, and the disturbed 
state of Ireland, divided the Cabinet, and convinced even many 
of the country gentlemen that the king's obstinacy was rapidly 

; becoming suicidal. The Opposition took advantage of this f eel- 
. ing. Motion after motion was brought forward 

• advocating Parliamentary and Economical Reform, potions for 
Burke became the leader of the party of Econo- jteform. 
mical Reform. Meetings were held in various 
large towns. Committees and associations were formed for agi- 

' tating the question. Li December, 1779, a great meeting was 
held at York by the freeholders of the county; and in the 
next year twenty-three counties and several large towns 
agreed on petitions for the abolition of sinecures and the 

I 2 



276 Events in England, 



reduction of exorbitant emoluments. In April Dunning suc- 
. , ' ceeded in carrying his celebrated motion, " fhat 
motSiT^ ^ ^^^^ i?j/?2ie?ice of the Crown has increased, is increas- 

ing, and ought to he diminished" But the House 
was too corrupt to admit of any more definite measures ; and all 
motions in favour of reform were steadily rejected. There were, 
moreover, divisions in the ranks of the Opposition. The Duke 
of Richmond advocated manhood suffrage and annual Parlia- 
ments. Fox wished in addition to increase the numbers of the 
county members. Burke went no further than Economical 
Reform, entirely disapproving of any change with regard to Par- 
liament. It was difficult for them, therefore, to unite on any 
scheme except under great pressure. 

The general election of 1780 cost the king an enormous sum; 
but it gave him a majority which enabled the Ministry to 
vigorously defeat all the measures of the Opposition till July, 
1781. Then in November of that year came the terrible news 
of the surrender at York Town ; and North knew that it was all 

over. Nothing but a brilliant military triumph 
Ministry could have saved him ; and not one gleam of 

success relieved the blackness of the political 
horizon. His enemies swooped on him like vultures^Fox, 
Pitt, Burke, all united against him. Great public meetings were 
held at London and Westminster, and the Government was 
violently denounced. At last Lord North only averted a direct 
vote of no confidence by resigning, March 20th, 1782. 

His resignation marked the temporary failure of the king^s 
policy and, had his enemies proceeded at once to carry out 
vigorous reforms, Personal Government might have been de- 
stroyed for ever. The House was, however, really too corrupt. 
_, . There was no sincere desire for reform. The 

Opposition were satisfied with their success, and 
their reforms were very inadequate. In consequence the king 
soon recovered a portion of the power which had been wrested 
from him. 

Section 5. — Results of George's Personal Government. 

The king had now governed personally for twelve years. The 
results of his government had been the loss of a large portion 
of the Empire; the addition of 150 millions to the national 
debt ; and a long and disastrous war, in which the greater par,t 



tl 



Not to be overwhelmed.'*^ 277 



of Europe had arrayed itself in the ranks of our enemies. 
Our supremacy of the seas was a thing of the past. Our 
shores were insulted hy hostile cruisers ; the country seemed 
on the brink of ruin. It was only the vast industrial and 
commercial development, the inventions of Watt and Cromp- 
ton, the creation of an immense system of water-carriage by 
canals, which averted the climax and enabled her to start once 
more on a career of ever-increasing prosperity. 



. 278 ^ Temporary Failure of the King, 



!il- 
i 



\ 

■ 1 













fSoofe T^ISL— FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE 

WHIG PARTY, 1782-84. 



CHAPTER I. 

TEMPORARY FAILURE OF THE KING, 1782, 1783.. 

Section 1. — The Second RocTcingJiam Ministry , 
March, 1782— July, 1782. 

The Opposition which had defeated !N"orth consisted of two 
parties ; — the Kockingham Whigs, the lineal descendants of 

Walpole, Pelham, Newcastle, who represented 
^® P^® f th ^^^ ^^^ corrupt system and the government of 
OpposUion. ^ *^® W^^g Oligarchy, but who were gradually 

developing into the party of Reform from which 
the Liberals sprang in later years ; and the Chatham Whigs, 
headed by Lord Shelburne, who were at this time the most 
enlightened of the two, and went much further than any of 
the Rockingham section in their advocacy of Parliamentary 
Reform, but who were destined later to be drawn over to 
the Court under the leadership of the younger Pitt. The 
Rockingham Whigs reckoned among their numbers, Burke, 
Pox, Dunning, and most of the great men of the Opposition. 
The Chatham Whigs had the disadvantage of a bad leader in 
Shelburne. Their most promising member was young Williani 
Pitt, who had lately come in for Appleby. 

The king, who hated Rockingham, Pox, and all their clan, 

^made overtures to Shelburne. This party, however, was too weak 

to form a Ministry alone ; and it was impossible to leave out 

Burke and Dunning, who had played such a prominent part in 



A FEW Reforms, 279 



the overthrow of North. A Coalition was therefore formed of 
hoth parties, headed by. Rockingham, and in- 
cluding the principal men of each, except young The king's 
Pitt, who haughtily refused a subordinate place. JSeiiTilu^re* 
The king also insisted that the Tory Lord Thur- 
low should be Chancellor ; and this introduced a fresh source 
of discord into a Ministry that was sufficiently disunited already. 
Eockingham required that certain measures of Reform should bg 
passed as the condition of his taking office. The king tried hard 
to evade them ; but Rockingham was firm. So, having to 
choose between accepting these terms and retiring to Hanover, 
George decided in favour of the former. It seemed a mistake 
that Burke should only be given the subordinate post of Pay- 
master ; but his eccentricities made him really unfit for power, 
and the oKgarchical character of the Rockingham Whigs caused 
him to be regarded with a certain amount of contempt owing to 
his obscure origin. 

This Ministry proceeded to pacify Ireland by timely con- 
cessions; open negotiations with Prance and America; and 
bring in a Bill for Economical Reform. This 
latter measure divided the CivH List into eight pj^^^g ^^^^^ 
classes ; restricted the number of pensions, and 1732, ' 
aibohshed secret pensions ; abolished certain use- 
less offices ; excluded Government contractors from the House 
of Commons ; and debarred revenue officers from voting at 
parliamentary elections. The disqualifying clauses were by 
far the most important, being aimed directly at the king's cor- 
rtipt influence in Parliament. The actual saving was, however, 
only 72,000Z. ; and the results of the measure were after all 
very slight. There was no real desire for Reform in theMinistry. 
They only wished to limit the king's influence. William Pitt's 
motion, therefore, for a Reform in the representative system was 
thrown out by a majority of twenty. They also committed 
themselves to the disgraceful job of granting heavy pensions to 
Colonel Barre and Lord Grantham on the very eve of the pass- 
ing of the Place Bill. 

^Negotiations proceeded but slowly with the allies; for though 
America consented to an agreement and a cessation of hostilities, 
nothing could be settled openly without France ; 



280 Temporary Failure of the King, 

the province of the Home Secretary, Shelburne ; the negotiations 
with France to the Foreign Secretary, Fox. The ill-will exist- 
ing between these two statesmen prevented any concert ; and 
their separate agents at Paris quarrelled over their own powers. 
The result was that when Eockingham died in July, matter^ 
came to an open quarrel. Fox refused to serve under Shelburne 
and retired, carrying with him Burke and nearly all the Eock- 
ingham party. 

Section 2. — The Shelburne Ministry, July, 1782 — April, 1783. 

The new members of the Cabinet were William Pitt, who 
became Chancellor of the Exchequer ; Lord Grantham and 
_, . . Thomas Townshend, Secretaries of State; Lord 

Temple, and his brother, Wyndham Grenville., 
The great weakness of this Ministry lay in the extreme unpopu- 
larity of Shelburne. It had to deal, moreover, with a most un- 
scrupulous Opposition, composed of the party of Fox, who was 
eager for revenge, and the party of Korth, who were anxious to 
repay their adversaries for the hostilities of the spring. 

The Ministry, however, aided by the great successes of Eodney, 

Eliott, and Hastings, were able to conclude the 
faTllesrjar,' ^®^°® ^^ Versailles with the Allied Powers, on 
1783. ' *' distinctly more favourable terms than had been 

expected earlier in the year. 
While the negotiations were in progress an extraordinary 
Factious Coalition was formed between the followers of 

opposition. J^orth and Fox to oppose the Government. The 

result was that when the Treaty was brought be-|:^ 
fore Parliament, it was condemned by a majority of the House 
of Commons, and Shelburne at once resigned. 

Section 3.— The Unnatural Coalition, April, 1783— i)ec., 1783. 

The king's policy had thus totally failed. He found himself 
delivered once more, bound hand and foot, into the clutches of 
the Whig Oligarchy. In vain he tried to get Lord ^rth or' 
The Ministry, ^i^^iam Pitt to form a Ministry. The former 

refused, and the latter saw that his time had not 
yet come. A Coalition Ministry therefore, headed by the Duke 
of Portland, and including Lord JSTorth, Fox, Burke, and Sheri- ' 
dan, came into office. So dictatorial was the new Cabinet, that 
they refused to allow the king to nominate a single Minister. 



"Carlo Fox Khan:' 281 



. This Ministry was enormously strong in votes, oratory, and 

debating power. The only opposition was the remnants of the 

Chatham and Shelburne party, headed by William 

Pitt. Their numbers were small, but they in- g^io^P^"*" 

eluded some very able men among them, such as 

W» Wyndham Grenville and Scott (afterwards Lord Eldon). 

Still, against the vast strength of the Government they would 

have been powerless but for the undisguised hostility of the 

king towards the "Unnatural Coalition." 

This Ministry was undoubtedly a great shock to public feel- 
ing. Fox and IS'orth had been bitter political 
enemies, and Fox had carried his hostility to an lic^feelinl^ " 
unprecedented extreme of personal abuse. ' Only 
the year before, Fox and Burke had been the principal 
agents of the overthrow of North ; and yet now they were 
all in office together. It was such an obvious and glaring 
case of unprincipled place-hunting that public opinion revolted 
against it. The king was bitterly opposed to his new Ministers ; 
but there is no doubt that he regarded this Coalition as more 
unnatural than the preceding ones of his reign, because he had 
had no hand in the construction of it. The insolence of the 
Ministers^ however, was so outrageous that he would deserve 
sympathy, but for his base intrigues against them. 
^ Having destroyed all claim to popular support by throwing 
out a very inadequate measure of Eeform, proposed by Pitt, the 
Ministry brought in Fox's India Bill to remedy m*^ j .. 
the evils existing in India, which they attributed j^n 1783 
entirely to the Company. This measure trans- 
ferred the whole authority of the Company, and the patronage 
of India, to a Commission of seven, nominated by Parliament 
for four years ; after which they were to be appointed by the 
Crown. The management of commerce was to be entrusted to a 
Board of Directors, elected by the proprietors, under the super- 
vision of the Commissioners. 

The good intentions of Fox and Burke in bringing forward 
this measure are beyond dispute ; but the transaction had a very 
doubtful appearance. All the Gommissioners were followers of 
Fox. Patronage had always been a part of the royal ^^ 

prerogative,and this Bill was a most unwarrantable ^^^ measure, 
infringement on it. It really was a transference of 
the royal power to Fox ; and public opinion exhibited its sense of 
this in the caricature of Carlo Fox Khan, crowned and riding on 



282 



TEMPOkARY Failure of the King, 



an elephant. The interference with the commercial arrangements 
, of the Company, too, was unnecessary, and likely to be disastrous ; 
as the Commissioners could not possibly manage them so well as 
officers trained for the purpose. 

The arguments in favour of the Bill were that the Company 
. had frightfully mismanaged the government, and 

for the Bill. ^^^^ therefore they must be deprived of it. While 

it was utterly impossible for Fox, with the halo 
of Burke's and Dunning's motions in the preceding years still 
hovering faintly round him, to propose such a vast addition to 
the royal sources of corruption as the whole Indian patronage. 

The king, however, was determined not to let the Bill pass, 
and, relying on the extreme unpopularity of the Coalition, he had 

recourse to an extremely dangerous move. He 
tional^act?on ^^^^ 1^0^:^ Temple a letter to show to the Peers, 
of the king". i^ which he authorized him to say that " whoever 

voted for this Bill was not a king's friend, and 
stronger words if necessary." In consequence the Lords rejected 
the Bill, and the king at once dismissed the Coalition. 



4^i/:- 



Pitt v. Fox, 283 



-^■oBifa. 



CHAPTEE 11. , 

Struggle between Pitt and Fox, 1783, 1784. 

The king now appealed to Pitt, who came into office with a 
Ministry ahnost entirely composed of Peers, and supported by a 
minority in the Commons. A violent struggle ensued. IJn-, 
doubtedly the king had acted unconstitutionally in opposing 
the India Bill ; but Fox acted equally unconstitutionally in 
(jarrying votes of censure against the king's conduct, and in 
endeavouring to force Pitt not to dissolve. Obviously the matter 
ought to have been referred to the constituencies. - " 

Pitt, however, held the dissolution over until the p^^^ 
violence of the Opposition had completely dis- 
gusted the country, and aroused the old feeling of loyalty 
towards the king. The result was that, in spite of unheard- 
of efforts, more than 160 of Fox's friends lost their seats, and 
Fox had considerable difficulty in getting himself returned at' 
aU. 

Thus finally terminated the struggle between the king and 
the Whigs in the complete triumph of the former 3 ^ , . -^^^^t, 
for though Pitt s early administration was con- ^^ ^^ ^^w.^. 
ducted on a liberal basis, yet he could not help 
feeling that he rested primarily on the royal support. He 
therefore gradually abandoned as impracticable the measures 
which the king objected to ; he became identified with the 
royal policy, and later, under the influence of the revolutionary 
panic, thq leader of the Old Tory party. rf , 



284 Men of the Time. 



CHAPTEE IIL 

MEN OF THE TIME. 

Section 1. — Edmund Burke, 

The life of this extraordinary man is divided into two distinct 

periods. During the first he was a Whig; during 
of^is^life^^ the second he suffered a complete transformation, 

and became one of the chief leaders of the re- 
actionary movement in favour of repression and arbitrary govern- 
ment, which was one of the most unfortunate results of the 
French Revolution. The latter period, however, is so entirely 
distinct from the early years of his political career, that it will 
be dealt with later among the other phenomena which in Eng- 
land attended the progress of the great convulsion on the other 
side of the Channel. 

Edmund Burke was bom in 1729 at Ballitore, not far from 
Dublin. He graduated at Trinity College, Dublin, and pro- 
ceeded thence to the Middle Temple. It was not till he was 
thirty years old that he began to approach the great arena of 
pontics. In 1759 he invented the idea of the Annual Register^ 
_ , a yearly chronicle of political occurrences. The 

most important event, however, of his early life 
was his obtaining the post of secretary to Lord Rockingham in 
1765, which gave him an opening into the stream of political 
life. In the same year he was returned as member for Wendover 
by the influence of Lord Yerney. He made his first speech in 
1766 with great success; and from that hour he became a 
power in the nation. He took a prominent part in the consti- 
tutional struggles which followed, speaking strongly and ear- 
nestly against the encroachments of Parliament on the liberty of 
the subject and ^he rights of electors in the Wilkes case. He 
also strongly supported the Americans, and inveighed with ex- 



Burke, , 285 

'traordinary power against the arbitrary measures of the Govern- 
ment. Perhaps, however, he attained loftier 
heights of eloquence in his attacks on the king's ?~® ^*^ ^ 
secret influence, which really controlled all the 
actions of the Cabinet. He loudly and earnestly demanded 
Economical Keform as the only means of destroying this malign 
. element in the Constitution. His speeches on the state of the 
nation and the Government must be reckoned among the most 
' powerful of the forces which finally expelled Lord North from 
office in 1782. Yet, in spite of the important part which he 
had played in the parliamentary struggle, he was 
given but a subordinate office — that of Paymaster j^^^ Ministfv 
V — by the Eockingham Ministry, which followed ; 
and though this was mainly due to his lack of family influence, 
it was greatly justified by his passionate and crotchety tempera- 
ment, which rendered him unfit for the impartial exercise of any 
extensive degree of power. On the death of Eockingham and 
the break-up of the Ministry, he followed the fortunes of Fox, 
and came into office once more in the ranks of the 
Coalition of 1783. Thrown out with his com- The Coalition, 
^panions by the king's influence, he went again into active oppo- 
sition. The years, however, which followed were undoubtedly 
the most mortifying portion of Burke's troubled career. He 
■^several times exposed himself to the charge of 
factiousness in his opposition to Pitt; he was Ministry, 
f found in the ranks of the minority even when 
Pitt brought forward measures which he had himself in earlier 
days approved of. He had the additional torture of ill-success, 
which the 'overpowering strength of Pitt rendered inevitable on 
aU occasions. In 1785, however, a great episode in Burke's 
career opened. This was the impeachment of Warren Hastings, 
the late Governor-General of India, for various ^ ^^^^ ,. 
• high crimes and misdemeanours committed during Hastings, 
his tenure of office. The impeachment, however, 
failed ; and from that time Burke, owing to the wildness of his 
v^Ianguage and the eccentricity of his views, became a mere 
^dinner-bell to the House^ until the outbreak of the Prench 
Eevolution produced on him an effect almost approaching frenzy, 
and sent him forth to be the prophet of the new Crusade against 
the advancing forces of Democracy. 

In character he was rash, violent, headstrong, and singularly 
devoid of tact or taste. But his genius was of the very first 



.286 Men of the Time, 



order ; he ranks high among the highest masters of literature ; 
and as an orator he was surpassed only by his pupil, Charles 

Fox. His political views were enlightened, but 
arac er. ^^^ ^^^^ enlightened ; he was always hampered by 

his intense veneration for anything old* He considered the 
British Constitution the most perfect realization of the loftiest 
ideal, and he would have no tampering with it. Therefore, 
though he desired the limitation of the king's influence by Eco- 
nomical Reform, and the purification of Parliament by giving 
the electors some control over their representatives, yet he ^as 
opposed to any extension of the franchise, or disfranchisement of 
any kind, and most of all to the Radical programme of short 

,*,... , Parliaments and the deleejacy of members. He 

Political j-^i-r i? j.T_ -1 

views '^^^ strongly m favour of government by organized 

parties, considering that this was the OAly effec- 
tual means of excluding the influence of the king. In fafct, he 
wanted merely to deprive the king of the government, and 
restore it to the Whig aristocracy without any thought of ^ving 
the people a share of power. His intense veneration for veisted 
rights and established institutions led him at times into stran^ 
mistakes. He considered that Parliament had no right to 
deprive the India Company of any of its chartered privileges 
in 1773. He could see nothing in the French Revolution but 
a great political crime. His rage against- Hastings was mainly 
due to an utterly unreal theory of an ancient^ venerable Indian 
, Empire of vast extent and measureless antiquity, 

^liicli the ruthless hand of the great Governor- 
General had outraged and insulted. He resented the crueltifes 
perpetrated on the Begums much more on account of their pre- 
6umed ancestry, dignity, and position, than because the sufferers 

were defenceless women. In the " Thoughts on the 
thrcTu^se^^^^^ Causes of the Present Discontents "(1 7 70) he elabo- 
the Present lately traces the hidden machinery by which the 
Discontents." king was supposed to govern ; the Cabinet within 

a Cabinet ; the Minister of the nation checked and 
controlled by the Minister of the king. Whereas there was no 
such elaborate organization at aU. What actually happened was 
that whenever the king wished to throw out any measure, te 
informed some Earl Temple, Jenkinson, Dyson, or other of his 
personal friends, who sent the word round the House. In all 
other respects the Government was carried on by the help of 
,the men whose names appeared in the list of the Cabinet. In 



Fox. 287 

spite of these errors, however, Burke is and always will be one 
of the abiding names of history by the universal opinion of 
nil, even his political opponents. 

Section 2. — Charles James Fox, 

Charles James Fox, the younger son of Lord Holland, was 
bom in 1749. He began life as a Tory, and Was identified with 
all the most unpopular acts of the Grafton Ministry. He con- 
tinued in office under Lord JSTorth until 1772, when a quarrel 
occurred between him and the head of the Government on 
account of his opposition to • the Royal Marriage Act. This 
bteach, however, was soon healed over, and he 
returned to office as Commissioner of the Treasury. ^^ ®^'^^ ^^^® ' 
He was, however, dismissed in 1774 for a glaring act of insubor- 
dination in pressing on a Hbel prosecution which Lord ]S"orth 
wished to be dropped. Li consequence be became a prominent 
member of the Opposition, and attacked the Government on the 
American question. It is true that he had not been concerned 
actively in any of the measures against America, but there is no 
record of his having previously expressed any disapprobation. 
Prom this time, however, his life is connected with the history 
of the country. 

His character was a most extraordinary mixture of most that 
was good and bad. He was extremely warm-hearted and sweet- 
tempered. He possessed remarkable powers of fascination. He 
had much goodness of heart and natural truthfuhiess. But he 
was absolutely without principle. He had even an unworthy 
contempt for men who were guided by principle. 
He was accustomed to live in a perpetual round ^ ^^^^ ® ' • 
of excitement, without giving the slightest thought to the future. 
His best friends said of him, that he was a man whose example 
was evil, and whose very presence was contaminating. Three 
passions had completely mastered his soul, — women, play, and 
.pohtics. Yet there was something low and grovelling in the 
way in which he satisfied them all. His relations with women 
will hardly bear examination. He ruined his health and his 
fortune at the gaming-table. His political career was stained 
by factiousness, by outrageous violence, and by extraordinary 
.changes of policy, exposing him to the gravest suspicion. Most 
of the acts of his early life were discreditable to him. Ifor was 
it tiQ the star of his great rival had risen far above his in the 



288 ME^' OF the Time, 



political heaven that he showed that largeness of view and single- 
ness of purpose which has so strongly appealed to the imagina- 
tion of posterity. Yet even then his last years were devoted 
to the pursuit of a chimera, and he died bitterly regretting a 
wasted, misspent career. 

As a politician he left very little of permanent value behind 

. . him. He had no knowledge of political economy, 

pohtical and had never read Adam Smith's '* Wealth of 

!N"ations," which was certainly one of the books of 
the day. He was a debater of the most brilliant description, 
far surpassing, by his lofty flights of rhetoric, the well-turned 
periods of William Pitt. He did, however, extremely little for 
his party. On one or two occasions he reduced them to the 
lowest depth of depression. He signally failed to win the con- 
fidence of the country, and on two occasions — the American and 
the Eevolutionary Wars — he was in direct opposition to pubHc 
opinion. Mr. Lecky says that much of his failure was due to 

"the frequent employment of language wliichy 
defect though eminently adapted to the immediate pur- 

poses of dehate, was certain from its injudidom 
energy to he afterwards quoted against him. Like more than one 
great master of words, he was trammelled and injured at every 
stage of his career by his own speeches. The extreme shock 
which the disastrous Coalition of 1784 gave to the public opinion 
of England was largely, if not mainly due to the outrageous 
violence of the language with which Fox had denounced Lord 
North in the preceding year." His views with regard to Par- 
liamentary Eef orm were at first extremely undefined ; nor was 
it till the outbreak of the French Revolution that they assumed 
a really tangible form. 

The consideration of this subject, however, belongs to later 
history. (V. p. 176). 



The Younger Pitt, 289 



r 



1 
fc 

^ 



I' 

I- 



iSoofe IX,— THE YOUNGER PITT, 1784-1806. 



CHAPTEE I. 



\ EARLY MEASURES, ITSi-SQ*. 

Once secured by the command of a large parliamentary majority, 
Pitt proceeded to deal with various matters of national interest 
and pressing importance. 

^ He brought in a Bill to lower the duty on tea and spirits, in 
order to destroy the enormous system of smuggling, which had 
robbed the revenue of large simis. He also extended the 
aiuthority of the revenue officers to four leagues from the coast 
by the Hovering Act. Half the unfunded debt he funded, and 
made up tbe deficit which these measures caused 
by a house and window-tax, and various taxes on 'i^ancial 

'. commodities. He also brought forward a scheme? 1784-86. * 
for reducing the overgrown national debt. This' 
was the sinking fund. The plan was to lay aside annually a 
miUion, which was to accumulate at compound interest, until 
gradually it equalled the amount of the debt. The idea was 

I; really extremely successful, for it restored confidence. Econo- 

^micaUy, however, it was a mistake, for the only result was that 
the country kept on borrowing money at high interest in order 
that the sinking fund might accumulate at low interest. More 
successful was the commercial treaty with France, which abro- 
gated the exclusive convention with Portugal, and established 
a moderate tariff for French wines. He also tried to extend the 

* commercial rights of Ireland to a complete equality with Eng- 
land, on the condition that Ireland should bear her share of the 
Imperial burdens. Burke and Fox, however, with shameless 

u 



290 Early Measures. 



effrontery, opposed the measure, really on party grounds, and, 
by skilfuUy working on the selfishness of the English manufac- 
turers and the national pride of the Irish, caused the total 
shipwreck of the measure. 

In the year 1784 Pitt proceeded to deal with the difficult 
T A' question of India. A Bill drawn up by himself 
Bill 1784 ^^^ Dundas established a new department, called 

* * the Board of Control, presided over by a Secretary 
of State, which was to have the absolute management of aU the 
political business of the Company. Commerce and patronage 
were to be left to the Company itself, except the appointment of 
the Commander-in-chief and the higher officers. The first Pre- 
sident of the Board of Control was Mr. Dundas, Pitt's intimate 
friend ; the first Governor-General under the new regulations 
was Lord Cornwallis. 

With Pitt, as with Chatham, Parliamentary Eeform had 

always presented itself in the light of a duty. At 
Bill 1785 ^^® same time he recognized the great difficulty 

of the question owing to the certainty of opposi- 
tion from both the king and the borough- owners. With the 
view, therefore, to conciliate all parties, he brought in a measure 
which was at once injudicious and inadequate. He proposed to 
disfranchise thirty-six rotten boroughs; but he added pro- 
visions for giving their owners pecuniary compensation. As it 
was, the Bill was thrown out, and Pitt accepted this decision as 
final on the subject. 

The return of Warren Hastings m.^:f^ at once drew the 

attention of the country to the more stirring 
Impeacliment question of his impeachment for high crimes 
^^tinlT committed during his tenure of office, which 
1786.88-96. "^^^ brought forward by Burke. At first Pitt 

and his followers supported Hastings out of a 
feeling that he had done much for England in India; but 
apparently a closer examination convinced him that there was 
more in the charges against the late Governor-General than 
appeared on the face of them. The result was that a motion 
was carried, with Pitt's concurrence, that Warren Hastings be 
impeached for his conduct with regard to Cheyte Sing and 
the Begums of Oude. The trial itself did not begin till 1788. 
It was chiefly remarkable for the extraordinary oratorical dis- 
plays of the managers, among whom were Burke, Fox, Wind- 
ham, and Sheridan. After seven years of this, Hastings was 



Progress, 291 



"SSSOT 



acquitted, April 23rd, 1795. Burke had failed to convict 
' the man, but he had turned such a flood of inquiry on to the 
Government of India, that he had washed it almost clean of the 
jobs and iniquities of the old system. No Governor-General 
•would venture again to rule with the iron rod of Hastings. 

The year 1788 was marked by the appointment of a Par- 
liamentary Committee to inquire into the slave- 
trade. The inquiry revealed a series of horrors T^^^ ^^*i ^r"? 
hardly ever paralleled. The wretched slaves 33* *' 
were chained together neck and neck in the 
close stifling holds of the ships for sixteen hours ; their food 
was water and horse beans ; their exercise consisted in jumping 
on the deck under the influence of the whip. If bad weather 
set in, they were tossed overboard to lighten the ship. A regular 
Association for the Abolition of the Slave-Trade had been 
formed in 1787 under the inspiration of Wilberforce and 
Clarkson. In 1788, relying on the report of the Commit- 
tee, a BiU was carried through Parliament, prescribing strin- 
gent regulations for canying on the trade on more humane 
principles. 

In November the kin'^ was again attacked by insanity, and 
the Prince of Wales at once claimed the Regency as his 
right by the mouth of Fox. The vehemence of the Whig 
party, however, and the general belief that the Prince was 
thoroughly immoral^ enabled Pitt to successfully resist this 
claim of right, and bring in a Bill conferring the _ 

Eegency on the Prince, but with a number of j^j ^^33 
hmitations — no new peers were to be created ; no 
pension or place was to be granted for life ; the king's person 
was to be left in the hands of the queen. The result being that, 
whereas Fox hoped that the king's illness would have led to the 
overthrow of Pitt, and his own advancement to power, his inju- 
dicious conduct had enabled his rival to completely fetter the 
authority of any successor whom the Prince might appoint. The 
^ recovery of the king, however, destroyed the necessity for pro- 
ceeding with the Bill. 

The foreign policy of Pitt was equally vigorous and success- 
ful. He reopened the alliance with Prussia, which country was 
now under Frederic William II. He successfully resisted the 
claim of Spain to the whole west coast of America, and main- 
tained the right of England to establish settlements on Yan- 
couver's Island. Allied with Prussia he restored the Prince of 

u 2 



292 Early Measures. 

Orange, who had been expelled from Holland by the Demo- 
_ . cratic party, who were filled with republican 

policy of Pitt, frenzy, the result of French agitation. In 1790, 

relying on a Triple Alliance with Prussia 
and Holland, he interfered vigorously in the East to prevent 
the destruction of Turkey by Austria and Russia. Austria 
was obhged to withdraw from the war ; and though Catherine 
11. of Eussia refused to submit to Pitt's dictation, she eventually 
consented to conclude peace on comparatively far more favour- 
able terms than Turkey had any right to expect, 1791. 
During this period, therefore, England was rapidly recovering the 
commanding position in Europe which she had entirely lost 
owing to the American War. 

Moreover, during this period there was an extraordinary de- 
velopment of the material and commercial prosperity of England. 
Great improvements in machinery for spinning and weaving, 
the invention of the steam-engine, the discovery that coal could 

Industrial ^® ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ tended to produce a wonderful 

development. change. England suddenly became a manufac- 
turing country. The seat of industry and of popu- 
lation was transferred to the nortL Population increased by 
leaps and bounds. A large middle and mercantile class was 
created, which became the back-bone of the nation against 
the revolutionary passions which were about to convulse the 
whole of Europe. 



Early Life. 293 



CHAPTEE II. 

WILLIAM PITT. 

William Pitt, the second son of William Pitt, Earl of 
Chatham, was bom at Hayes in Kent, in the year 1759. In 
early youth he showed extraordinary ability and precocity, which 
were carefuUy cultivated by Lord Chatham. At Cambridge he 
excited the admiration of his tutors, both by 
the brilliance of his genius and the assiduity ^*'^^ career, 
of his application. He left the University with a profound 
knowledge of many most various branches of study, and a re- 
putation as a speaker which was already considerable. In 1780 
he stood for Cambridge, but came out at the bottom of the 
poU. In the next year, however, he was returned by the 
influence of the Duke of Eutland and Sir James Lowther for 
the pocket borough of Appleby. On entering Parliament he 
naturally attached himseK to the party of Lord Shelburne, who 
was the leader of the remnants of his father's followers. 
His first speech was made on Burke's Bill for Economical Ke- 
form, and produced a striking impression. !N'ot only did he 
please, but he astonished the House. Old members said that no 
such speech had been heard there since the days of Chatham 
except, perhaps, from Fox. Erom this time he was a dis- 
tinguished member of the Opposition which hunted North from 
office. When the Kockingham Ministry was 
formed, he haughtily refused to accept the sub- ^® 7^}^ 
ordinate office held out to him. And it was only 1782-83. ' 
by the offer of the important post of Chancellor 
of the Exchequer that he could be induced to join the Shel- 
burne Government. His talents were already so renowned that, 
on the break-up of the Shelburne Ministry, the king invited 
him to form a Government and on the dismissal of the great 
Coalition of 1783 it was to this stripling of twenty-four that 



294 William Pitt, 



George committed the difiScult task of carrying on the Govern- 
ment in th^ teeth of the vindictive hostility of North and Fox. 
"What was perhaps more remarkable than all was that with a 
skill above his years he contrived to draw fresh elements of 

strength from each false move of his enemies 
^^^^?&le ^j^^-j ^YiQ right time came to give them the coup 

and Fox ^^ grace by a dissolution. Perhaps the most 

crafty stroke of genius was the appointment of 
Colonel Earre to the Clerkship of the Pells, a rich sinecure, in 
exchange for the pension so scandalously bestowed on him by 
Rockingham. Pitt might have kept it for himself, or he might 
have abolished it altogether as an useful and necessary piece of 
Economical Eeform. As it w^s, he used it so that he acquired 
a reputation for disinterested purity as great as that of his 
father. 

Pitt's career, like that of Burke, is divided into two parts. 
During the first he was a liberal and enlightened statesman. 
During the second he became gradually the leader of reaction and 
. repression. The point of division is roughly^ 17 92, 

liberal views. ^^^ ^^^^ before the outbreak of the French Revo- 
lutionary War. Before that year he must be 
regarded as a reformer. He had supported Burke's views on 
Economical Reform in 1780-82. He had gone far beyond even 
Burke and Fox in his plans for Parliamentary Reform ; and in 
ofi&ce he redeemed his previous pledges by a Reform Bill. He 
had opposed the repressive policy of Lord North, and supported 
the cause of the Americans. He had advanced the broad 
theories with regard to free trade, which he had imbibed from 
the works of Adam Smith ; and he had endeavoured to carry 
them into practice with regard to Ireland. After 1792, however, 
he gave up all these enlightened theories ; and, though still re- 
maining far more liberal than his colleagues, he sufiPered himself 
Change after ^^ ^® caught and dragged along in the general 
1792. paroxysm of terror which was aroused in England 

by the excesses of the French Revolution. Free 
trade, Parliamentary Reform, the limitation of the royal in- 
fluence, all became meaningless formulas to Pitt, as the leader 
of the party of Church and King, which, with the blind faith of 
the Cavaliers of old time, clung to George III. and the existing 
Constitution as the sole barrier against the tragedies which were 
being enacted on the other side of the Channel. 
His foreign policy, too, was marked by almost as great a change 



Change ly Vieivs, ■ ' 295 



after 1'792. Up to that date lie had carefully avoided war; and 
endeavoured by a vigorous system of diplomacy . . 

and a close alliance toith Prussia to interfere sue- pjjigy ^^^^^^ 
cessfully but bloodlessly wherever he considered 
British interests to be threatened. At the same time he was not 
imbued with any Quaker theories of the injustice of war in it- 
self ; and he was quite prepared to enforce his interference with 
arms if necessary. He took up, in fact, the position of the strong 
man armed, whose strength and warlike demeanour are productive 
of respect, and hence of peace. After 1792, however, he became 
engaged in two long wars with France and her dependent states. 
His theories, however, had really suffered no change. It was the 
circumstances themselves which were changed. The English 
and French nations were determined on war, and all that was 
left to Pitt was to carry it on effectually. Twice, in 1796 
and 1797, did he try to obtain peace ; and twice was it re- 
fused with every .form of insult. The blame of the war 
therefore scarcely rests with Pitt, but with those who provoked 
and maintained it for their own ends. . . 









296 The French Revolution. 



";■ .-'^,T 



CHAPTEK III. 

' THE FRENCH BBVODUTIOlSr, 1789-98. 

, Section 1. — Sketch of the Revolution, 1789-95. 

In May, 1789, tlie States-General were assembled at Paris with 
tke Yiew of carrying out several necessary reforms, and espe- 
cially arranging some effective mode of supplying a revenue 
wherewith to carry on the Government. The management of 

this body, however, quickly escaped the control 

ReTMflution ^^ ^^^ ^i^gj ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ hands of the extreme 

party who would be satisfied with nothing less 
than a general Revolution. A Revolutionary army was soon 
created ; all remnants of feudal privileges abolished ; the Bastile 
destroyed by the mob ; a new democratic constitution established ; 
and finally the king became practically a prisoner in the hands 
of the new Government. 

These events soon attracted the attention of the despots of 
Europe, who unwisely launched empty threats at the Revolution- 
ists with httle result, except to afford the Revolutionary Govern- 
ment a pretext for declaring war, which they saw 
The Revolu- \^ould be the best mode of employing the danger- 
1792. ' ous energy of the people. The allied forces of 

Austria and Prussia, however, drove back the 
ragged troops of the Revolution ; and issued still more threaten- 
ing and insulting manifestoes. At last, frenzied by rage and 
terror, the Paris mob rose under the leadership of the ultra party, 
the Jacobins, and overthrew the monarchy. From this moment 
the Revolution waded knee-deep in blood. The king, the queen, 
their own generals, aU who were suspected, or were even only 
suspected of being suspected, were brought in turn to the dread- 
ful guillotine. Ill-success was punished by instant execution. 
A frightful revolutionary madness, sprung from blood and terror, 



First Illusions. 297 



took possession of the whole of France, and inspired her with 
preternatural strength. Flinging back the invading armies of 
Prussia and Austria at the battle of Yalmy, 1792, 
the Eepubhc poured forth her thousands over ^ran?"*^^ 
Europe, until the whole of the left bank of the '^*^^** 
Ehine from Basle to the German Ocean, and all Savoy west of 
the Alps had been added to her territories. Meanwhile the 
capital was a prey to a Terror of the most frightful description. 
Tragedy succeeded tragedy with horrible rapidity. In 1795, how- 
ever, a new constitution was estabUshed on more moderate prin- 
ciples ; and the executive Government entrusted to a Directory 
of five. Having silenced their domestic enemies by violence, this 
Government naturally turned to foreign aggression in order to 
divert the attention of the people from dangerous speculations. 
The year 1796 therefore saw the armies of France launched into 
Germany and Italy on the specious pretext of liberating those 
countries from the tyranny of Austria. 

Section 2. — Effects of the Revolution in England, 

The stirring events which occurred in France in the year 
1789-92 were regarded with the most vivid interest in England. 
At first it seemed as though the French were merely following 
the example set by the latter country in 1688 ; were cutting off 
the abuses which had so long disgraced their Government ; were 
laying the foundations of a free and enlightened _ .. 
Constitution. It was natural, therefore, that these England 
efforts of the struggling Colossus to break the de- 
grading chains, which had so long held it in unworthy bondage, 
should be viewed with the greatest sympathy by those English- 
men who had devoted their lives to the improvement of their 
own country. It was equally natural that the violence by 
which these movements were attended, and the excesses which 
followed the earlier constitutional reforms, should alarm the Con- 
servative instincts of many who considered that the maintenance 
of order was the highest object of government, and who disap- 
proved of any political changes whatever, unless they were 
accomplished in a gradual and orderly manner. At the two 
extremes were two sections, whose opinions were equally danger- 
ous, though diametrically opposed to one another. These were 
the Tory party proper, headed by the king, and the Eadicals 
whose leader was Lord Stauhope ; the former distrusting a 
change, and reprobating alike the French Revolutionists and the 



298 The French Revolution. 



-^ ^pj ' ' 



moderate efforts of the reforming party in England ; the latter 
hailing with enthusiasm the wildest constitutional vagaries of 
the Jacobins, and panting eagerly to imitate the example thus 
conspicuously set them. There was, however, no clear line of 
demarcation between these various sections at first. Many who 
admired the talent for destruction which the French had 
developed would have regarded it in a very different light had 

it manifested itself in England. Few had any 
of^opinion ^ ^^^ desire to substitute the tyjanny of the Jaco- 
bin Club for the com|^arajiyi^y mild government 
of George III. On the other hanS, m^y of those who proved 
the strongest and bitterest opponents of ^ the French Revolution 
had themselves in quieter times led the yan of reform in England, 
had advocated the broadest principles 6i toleration and free trade. 
On the whole, therefore, though .there was a good deal of honest 
enthusiasm in favour of the French people at first in both 
England" and Scotland, the nation was fm^tunately never really 
indoctrinated with French principles. 

For a long time Pitt wavered between the two middle parties. 
P'tt»a ho a From the very first he condemned the French 
at first. Revolution in itself, and feared that it would be 

followed by disastrous results. But even in the 
face of circumstances he hoped that the moderate party would 
prevail over the anarchists, and that a moderate constitutional 
Government on the English model might be built on the ruins 
of the old system. His policy towards the Revolution was one 
of strict neutrality. He was determined at all hazards to main- 
tain peace. At different times he entered into peaceable commu- 
nications with the Revolutionary leaders, and endeavoured to allay 
the distrust which the violence of their opponents in England 
— and especially the writings of Burke — had produced among 
them. With the same view he entirely refused to furnish the 
exiled French nobles in Germany with money to effect an invasion 
of France, and he peremptorily declined the invitation of Austria 
and Prussia to join in any demonstration, warlike or diplomatic^ 
against the Revolution. He still remained honestly in favour of 
progress ; and, though he considered that any attempt at Par- 
liamentary Reform in the electric state of the political atmosphere 
must be productive of anarchy, yet he advocated strongly the 
concession of relief to the Catholics, and supported a measure 
brought forward on the subject by Mitford in 1792. Almost 
to the very eve of the outbreak of war he retained a hope 



Pitt and Burke, 299 

that peace might be maintained ; though his _. 
more brilliant anticipations with regard to a new Yievta^^^^ 
and orderly Constitution for France were vanishing 
rapidly from before his eyes. His sincere determination to pre- 
serve peace, so long as it was possible, is clearly proved by the 
fact that in the year 1792 he proposed a considerable reduction 
of the forces, and set on foot a scheme for the reduction of the 
interest of the national debt. Nor was it till France had 
announced decidedly to the world her utter disregard for inter- 
national obligations, and had proclaimed a Crusade against all 
existing Governments, that Pitt reluctantly threw in his lot 
with the despots of the Continent and the party of repression 
in England in the double war against French principles at home 
and abroad. 

One of the most important results in England of the events of 
1789 was a total change in the political opinions of Burke, and 
a quarrel between him and Fox. Burke's intense veneration 
for everything that was old extended even to the mouldering 
antiquity of the French Constitution, and the 
worn-out remnants of feudal privilege which had ^^^teot 
been so ruthlessly swept away. He could think, opinions, 
of nothing but the splendour of Versailles, the 
beauty of Marie Antoinette ^ wheiv he saw her first, the illus- 
trious ancestry of her spouse, the imfuemorial age of the French 
monarchy ; and it seemed to him to verge on sacrilege that the 
hand of the destroyer should be raised against .)so much beauty, 
dignity, and antiquity. The inherent love of' order, which was 
his most prevailing characteristic, lent additional fervour to this 
instinctive feeling of disgust, and prejudiced his mind still more 
-strongly against the movement. The result was that he became 
inspired with a species of frenzy, which cast a strange delusive 
tglamour over all connected with the Revolution ; so that men 
and events appeared distorted and imreal,. like objects viewed in 
$. convex mirror. He became totally unable to perceive any 
good in the Revolution, or evil in what it destroyed. 'He looked 
hack lovingly to the painted, tawdry, licentious reign of 
Louis XY. as "the age of chivalry." He forgot entirely the 
wrongs under which the French people had groaned 
for centuries. He could see in the Revolution f^l^^^^^Q 
nothing but a great and terrible crime unrelieved Bevolution. 
by any redeeming feature whatever. He entirely 
recanted his old political creed. He gave up all attempts at 



300 The French Revolution. 

progress as leading inevitably to the anarchy he condemned. 
And he set himself to compose a philippic against the Revolu- 
tion, with which he intended at once to open men's minds to a 
true perception of the dangers which surrounded them, and to 
call the whole of Europe to arms in support of order and esta- 
blished Governments. 

On the mind of Fox a very different impression was produced 
by the events of 1789, as might be anticipated from his character. 
With a perverseness almost as great as that of Burke, only of 
an exactly opposite description, he failed to see anything but 

unmixed good in the progress of the Revolution. 

fh^Revolu- "^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ greatest event that ever 
tion. ' happened in the world, and how much the best ! " 

said Fox, when the news of the destruction of 
the Bastile was brought to England. And again in 1792 he 
declared in his familiar letters to his friends that "no public 
event, not excepting Saratoga and York Town, ever happened 
that gave me so much delight " as the victory of the' French at 
Valmy, which compelled the forces of Austria and Prussia to 
evacuate France. He became the leader of the men to whom 
the French Revolution was a wonderful and glorious event, who 
regarded the war with France as wanton and wicked, and wlfo 
held it their duty to resist all the measures of repression which 
were brought in by the Government. At the same time Fox 
never went beyond intense sympathy with the French, and 
abhorrence of their would-be conquerors. He desired, it is true, 
a complete reform in the representative system in England, 
redress for the grievances of the Dissenters and Roman Catholics ; 
but he had no desire to adopt the sweeping programme of the 
extreme Radicals. And if he supported those of the latter 
party, who incurred the vengeance of the Government by 
seditious conduct, it was not because he approved altogether of 
their views, but because he insisted that the liberty of the press 
and the freedom of the subject were alike infringed by the 
prosecutions. 

The Radical party were really extremely scanty in numbers, 
but acquired an undue prominence owing to their demonstrative 
affection for the French Revolution, which was manifested 
most conspicuously on every possible occasion. Their leaders 
were two clubs, known as the Constitutional Society and the 
Revolution Society; the former quite a late foundation, 
the latter dating from the Revolution of 1688. In November, 



The ^'Reflections'' 301 



1789, the Revolution Society held its anniversary 
meeting, and after listening to an inflammatory clubs *^ 
oration from Dr. Price on the subject of *' slavish 
governments and slavish hierarchies," proceeded to carry an 
address of congratulation to the French ^National Assembly, 
which "was transmitted to that body, and was received by them 
with the greatest enthusiasm. It was these proceedings which 
first aroused the ire or frenzy of Burke, and induced him, in 

1790, to issue his " Reflections on the French Revolution," which 
attacked both the French Revolution and its English admirers, 
painted in the darkest colours the evils which , 
must spring from it, and exhorted all men to treat * 'Reflections/* 
it as an accursed thing. This paaiphlet, created 

an extraordinary sensation. It was translated into every 
language. It was almost venerated by the exiled nobles in 
Germany ; execrated by the French leaders in Paris. George III. 
said it was a book which every gentleman should read; and 
Catherine II. of Russia eventually transferred to Burke the 
admiration she had formerly entertained for Fox. " The sale 
which the work commanded was inunense ; edition followed 
edition in rapid succession, until about 30,000 copies had been 
issued. To it was due in a great measure the reaction against 
the sympathy with which the early movements of the Revolution 
had been received in England. Some writers have attributed 
to it the ultimate safety of Europe. Others have denounced it 
as a manual of despotism, a chain thrown round the neck of 
liberty, a barrier flung across the path of progress, which 
delayed the march of civilization for thirty- eight years. All, 
however, agree that as a literary production it ranks extremely 
high, and that as an appeal to the passions it is as consum- 
mate in power as irresistible in argument. The ** Reflections/' 
however, provoked a number of replies from the members of the 
extreme party. Sir James Mackintosh's " Yindiciae Gallise," and 
Thomas Paine's " Rights of Man," are the most remarkable of 
these; the former a temperate refutation of Burke's position, 
the latter a gospel of Revolution. These productions, however, 
were followed by wilder and more desperate j^^^-^jg^^ 
manifestoes, in which the whole Jacobin creed of manifestoes, 
murder and destruction was set forth in all its 
hideous nakedness; and the rise of the reactionary feeling in 
England may as justly be attributed to alarm at the extravagance 
of the Radical party as to the influence of Burke. Undoubtedly 



302 The French Revolution, 

it was tlie violence of these publications which produced the first 
repressive measures of Pitt, and which frightened many of the 
Whigs into Toryism; among others the Prince -of Wales and 
the Duke of Portland. The Eadicals, however, were never a 
large party ; and the feeling of the people was distinctly againstt 
them. This feeling was strongly shown in Conservative Birming-^ 

ham in 1791, when the infuriated mob attacked 
Feeling ^^^ gutted the house, laboratory, and library of 

Badicals. -'^^' Priestley, one of the most prominent leaders 

of the Eadical party, solely on account of his 
political views : nor could he obtain adequate compensation from 
a British jury. The great mass of the nation, in fact, went with 
the Church and King ; and it was only the noisiness of the 
extreme party which made them appear formidable. 

The immediate result of the French Eevolution, therefore, in 
England was to divide the country once more into two distinct 

parties of Whigs and Tories. The new Tory 
parties^ ^^ P^'i'ty consisted of those who, alarmed at the 

extravagance of the French, rallied round the king 
as the only barrier against similar excesses, and determined to 
resist all attempts at reform of any kind in this country, for 
fear that it should prove, as in France, but the prelude to a 
bloody Eeign of Terror. This party at first included only the 

remnants of the king's friends, the country gentle- 
Tory party. inen, the propertied classes, and the Tories gene- 
rally. It was powerfully reinforced by the acces- 
sion of Burke and many other Whigs, who, while strongly 
approving of progress in itseK, sacrificed it readily to the cause 
of order. Lastly, Pitt himself, the Duke of Portland, and. 
the personal followers of both, were driven to swell the ranks 
of the Tories, when the outbreak of war swept away the 
thin constitutional illusions with which they had endeavoured 
to invest the savage figures of the French leaders. They fancied 
they had to choose between repression and anarchy ; and the 
choice was easily made. From this moment repression became 
the order of the day, and all chance of constitutional progre^?. 
was deferred for over a quarter of a century. 

On the other side, however, there grew up a new Whig party 
of very diverse elements. There was the extreme wing of the 
The new Eadicals, who, headed by the Revolution Socieiy,^ 

Whig party. ^^^ Constitutional Society, and the London Gor^^ 

responding /Society, sympathized entirely with 



SjSCTIOJVS OF THE WlilGS. 303 

----- — ^ ■ - _ ^ 

the French; congratulated them on the destruction of the 
monarchy in August, 1792, and even approved cf the massacres 
■with which that event was consummated. In Dundee, in 
Sheffield, and various towns, riots broke out under the in- 
fluence of this party in the year 1792; trees of liberty were 
planted in imitation of the French, and efforts were made to 
corrupt the soldiers. In 1793 an attempt was even made to 
establish a Convention in England and Scotland on the model 
of the French republican Government. Writings were issued of 
the most seditious and blasphemous character, in some cases 
even venturing to draw a distinction between the killing a king 
and the crime of murder, and holding up to public admiration 
the deeds of Brutus and other tyrannicides. It was the violence 
of this section which brought discredit on the whole Whig party, 
and which rendered repressive measures almost necessary. Next 
to them came the section headed by Fox, small in numbers and 
declining in influence, who admired in theory the whole progress 
of the Kevolution, who denounced the war against it as wicked 
and wanton ; but who had no desire to assassinate King George, 
or to establish a republic in England, or to massacre the principal 
men of the Government. Higher still in the scale came the 
third section headed by men like Mr. Grey (afterwards Lord 
Howick and Earl Grey), who, setting aside entirely the question 
of the excellence or unmixed evil of the French Eevolution, 
maintained that the panic which had resulted from it was 
\7hoUy unreasonable ; that there was no fear of its influence 
extending to England in any dangerous shape ; and that there- 
fore there was no reason for refusing to pursue the path of Con- 
stitutional Eeform in a moderate and peaceful manner. The 
great question of Parliamentary Eeform, in fact, was the bond of 
union between the three sections of the Whigs; and it was the 
common sympathy of the moderate Whigs on this topic with 
the Eadicals which enabled the writers of the Anti-JacoUn 
a magazine of strongly anti-revolution principles, to represent 
them as aU equally eager to show their admiration for the reign 
of Blood and Terror existing in France, by setting up an English 
republic on the murdered corpses of the king and loyalists. 

Unfortunately, too, the opinions of the Anti- Jacobin be- 
came the opinions of the great majority of Englishmen. The 
cause of Eeform was viewed with abhorrence and fear by most 
as an insidious advance towards Eevolution. Pitt and the more 
moderate men even considered that the extreme danger of the 



304 The French Revolution, 



question must render it a sealed book, at least until a stable 

Government should be established in France. 
TTnfortuiiate Grey and his party, while maintaining the 
results of the i^ecessity for Eef orm and the iniquity of post- 
ary violence, poning it, recognized, after two overwhelming 

defeats in 1793 and 1797, the utter uselessness 
of pursuing the question in the then hostile state of the nation. 
The cause of Keform therefore fell wholly into the hands of the 
Radicals after 1797, by whom it was disgraced and discredited 
for over twenty years, with the disastrous consequence of 
strengthening the almost imiversal belief in the dangerous 
nature of the movement. 

The formation of these two parties may be dated in the year 
1792, when Pitt first began to abandon the attitude of neutrality 
which he had hitherto assumed. In the preceding year, 1791, 
he had refused to agree to act with Austria and Prussia against 

Prance. At the opening of the year 1792 he 
Peaceful -j^g^^^ proposed the diminution of the national 

views of Pitt £ ix. J 4.V 4. 4.1 

till 1792 forces, on the ground that there was every pro- 

spect of a durable peace. He had supported, 
though unsuccessfully, a measure for the abolition of the slave- 
trade. He had agreed to Pox's Libel Act, which handed over 
to the jury the duty of deciding whether any asserted libel was 
actually libellous or not. Altogether he gave no sign of yielding 
to the reactionary feeling of which Burke was the apostle. 

In August, however, the French monarchy was overthrown, and 
this event was received with an outbreak of joy by the clubs and 
corresponding societies in England. It was the violence of 
these societies which first called for measures of repression. In 
April Pitt had refused to agree to Parliamentary Reform. In 

May a proclamation was issued, warning the people 
h^s^Jalf ^^n^ against seditious writings. This action of the 
1792. Government produced a strong protest from M. 

\ Chauvelin, the French Ambassador, who was bent 

on quarrelling with the Government, and who therefore in- 
sisted on behaving in a manner unprecedented on the part of 
an ambassador, and which called forth sharp rebukes from the 
Foreign Minister, Lord GrenviUe. Our diplomatic relations with 
France were in a very irregular and unsatisfactory state at the 
close of the year, owing to the fact that there was no properly 
accredited Minister for the new Republic in England, and that 
M. Chauvehn, who still remained, persisted in acting with the 



Dripting into War. 305 



utmost insolence and hostility to the Government. The year 
ended stormily ; riots had broken out in many great towns ; 
the tone of the societies became more darkly threatening and 
seditious. In December, therefore, Pitt considered it necessary 
to call out the militia, and to pass a severe Alien Act, January 
4, 1793, requiring that all aliens in England should register 
themselves and obtain passports. These precautions were fol- 
lowed by more stringent measures. The exportation of aU 
materials of war, the introduction and circulation of French 
paper money, the exportation of corn to French ports, were 
strictly prohibited. These regulations were directly hostile to 
France, but they were iustitied by the inveterate enmity which 
the Jacobin leaders entertained for England, and which was 
faithfully reflected in the conduct of M. Chauve- 
hn. The two countries, in fact, were at last, in jg^^^^ ^"^93 
January, 1793, facing one another broadside to 
broadside. The question was, which would fire first. 

Section 3. — Causes and Justice of the War. * 

The French in 1792-93 made much the same mistake with 
regard to the extreme party in England, as the Pretender in 1745 
had made with regard to the Jacobites. Both thought that the 
party which sympathized with them included the mass of the 
nation. The men of the Revolution were accustomed to receive 
addresses of congratulation, sympathy, and envy, from the 
Kadical clubs ; the din of party politics penetrated to their ears, 
and gave them the erroneous impression that a large body of the 
prominent men of the country were discontented «-. ^ ^ * 
with the existing Government; they heard of the Jacobius. 
meetings, speeches, and publications of the most 
seditious character, and, in their ignorance of the freedom of the 
British Constitution, they considered that it was only the weak- 
ness and unpopularity of the Government which prevented 
stringent measures of repression. They imagined that these out- 
breaks were the effects of a deep-rooted feeling, which would 
lead eventually to the same Revolutionary results which had fol- 
lowed similar symptoms in France. They did not understand 
that the great majority of the nation were silently hostile to such 
movements ; that it was only Pitt's disinclination to believe in 
their dangerous nature which prevented their being suppressed 
with the general approval of the mass of the people ; that Eurke, 

X 



306 The French Revolution. 



and not Fox, was the representative of national feeling ; and 
that many of those who professed most loudly their sympathy 
with the Revolution had no intention whatever of emulating 
it in any way. 

Under this mistaken impression, the French leaders considered 
that they might disregard England in the scale of Europe ; for 
that there they would find a nation of friends panting to throw 
off the yoke which weighed them down and join hands across 
the Channel with republican France. The idea of liherating 
England therefore became a favourite project. Engagements 
were entered into with the Radical Clubs ', and the French Minis- 
ter of Marine even had the audacity in 1792 to issue a pabHc 
declaration to the fleet that they were about to carry fifty thou- 
sand caps of liberty to their "brethren in Eng- 
Violent con- land." This absurd piece of bombast might well 
EnL'land have been treated as mere raving. On the 15th 

of December, however, in the same year the Con- 
vention had proclaimed that " in every country that shaU be 
occupied by the armies of the French Republic, the Generals shall 
announce the abolition of all existiug authorities ; of nobility, of 
serfage, of every feudal right and every monopoly ; they shall 
proclaim the sovereignty of the people, and convoke the inhabi- 
tants in assemblies to form a provisional Government. The 
French nation will treat as enemies any people which, refusing 
liberty and equality, desires to preserve its Prince and privileged 
castes, or to make any accommodation with them." These 
fantastic threats acquired a stern reality from the acts of the 
Convention. Its agents were actively engaged in stirring up 
disaff'ection in every country. It had ordered the annexation 
of Avignon, Mce, and Savoy, without the slightest shadow of a 
pretext except vague declamation about the liberation of the 
people from the chaias of tyrants. It had occupied Belgium, 
- . and ordered that the navigation of the Scheldt 

the Scheldt. should be thrown open, in spite of the clause in 

the Peace of Utrecht which prohibited it, and 
which had been guaranteed by England. To go to war in sup- 
port of a Dutch monopoly — for the shutting of the Scheldt had 
be^en arranged in the interest of Dutch commerce — would have 
been ridiculous, though there can 'be little doubt that such a 
glaring infringement of the Peace of Utrecht would have pro-, 
duced war earlier in the century. It added, however, one more 
insult to the series of outrages lavished on England, which were 




IVar. 307 



.gradually raising the blood of the nation to boiling-point, and 
bid fair to force the hand of Pitt. Then in January, 1793, 'came 
the news of the execution of Louis XVI. ; and a 
thrill of indignation ran through the length and Execution of 
breadth of England. From that moment the jan"2f 1793 
nation was deteruained on war; nor could Pitt ' ' . 

possibly have averted it any longer had he desired to do 
so, even if the Convention had not precipitated matters by 
formally declaring war on England and Holland, February 1, 
1793. 

The preceding account is sufficient to prove the Justice of 
the war ; for when can war be waged on more just and honour- 
able grounds than to protect the interests of a country's allies, 
and to resist the aggression of an insolent enemy ? It is true ^ 
that Fox was in the right when he declared that the real cause 
of the war was not the opening: of the Scheldt „. 
or the annexation of Savoy, but the decree of :^^ . 
December 15 and the execution of the king. The 
struggle was, in fact, a war against opinion ; but it was not such 
a war as Burke would have had it ; — a war of no compromise 
with the Eevolution, a war to restore the Bourbons. It was a 
war to resist the propagation by force of arms of opinions which 
were subversive of order, of morality, of Christianity, and es- 
tabhshed governments ; and such opinions were more dangerous 
iliidoubtedly than even the aggressive ambition of despotic 
sovereignties, for they were supported by a whole people in 
arms, and endowed with the preternatural strength of revolu- 
tionary madness, ^ 

Fresh from their feudal fetters newly riven, 
■^ \ Defying earth and confident of heaven. 

" No more serious, no more sufficient ground of war," sums up 
Mr. Fyffe, " ever existed between two nations ; yet the event 
proved that with the highest justification for war, the highest 
wisdom would yet have chosen peace. England's entry into 
the war converted it from an affair of two or , 

4hree campaigns into a struggle of twenty years, inexpedient. 
resulting in more important changes than any 
which the Convention, with aU its wild professions, ever 
pnagined itself about to effect." War, however, in the then 
excited state of the two nations was inevitable ; and the 
accession of England to the Coalition of Austria and Prussia 

X 2 



308 The French Revolution, 

against France was followed shortly by the adhesion of all 
the Mediterranean States as well. The discordant elements of 
the Old World seemed to lose all memory of their ancient 
quarrels in the presence of a common and incalculable danger. 
England, Prussia, Austria, Sardinia, Naples, Spain, and the 
Empire — old friends and old enemies — all united in the First 
Coalition against Revolutionary France. 



Bedim L—The First Coalition, 1793-97. 



/ 



The entry of England into the continental war proved of no 
avail to stop the triumphant course of the French armies. In 
1793 the united forces of Austria and England, which had 

invaded the Netherlands, were driven hack along 
Expulsion of the whole line, and compelled to retreat to Hol- 
tlie Cralition land. Similar reverses befell the Prussian army 
ffhSi 1793 ^^ Alsace ; and thus the French found themselves 

victorious all along the frontier. These suc- 
cesses enabled them to reduce a royalist insurrection in La 
Yendee with terrible slaughter, and to drive the English out of 
Toulon, which had been seized by Admiral Lord Hood. 

The year 1794 was marked by further successes on the part 
of the French. Prussia practically withdrew in order to dispute 
with Eussia the provinces of bleeding Poland. The English 
and Anstrians were once more driven out of the Netherlands— 
the former into Holland, and the latter to the Ehine. This was 

followed in 1795 by the invasion of Holland, the 
French expulsion of the English, and the creation of a 

Holland* °^ Batavian Republic amid the wildest enthusiasm 
1794-95.* ^^ ^^® people. At the same time the Sardiaians 

were thrust back beyond the Alps, and the road 
opened into Italy. The result was that Prussia and Spain con- 
cluded peace with France, and that many of the small states of 
Germany declared their neutrality. Only England, Austria, and 
Sardinia agreed to continue the war. 

Great, however, as were these disasters, Pitt had really good 
reason to be satisfied with the result of the war. Like his 
father, Chatham, he looked, not so much to victories on the 
Continent as the highest result of the war, but to the extensioii 



Greater England,'' 309 



of that colonial and maritime Empire which was destined to 
develop into a " Greater England " of such vast 
proportions in the nineteenth century. Just as True meaning 
Chatham had subsidized Prussia, Hesse, and Eneland 
Hanover, to occupy the attention of the Erench 
in Grermany, while the English JBleets destroyed the marine of 
.France and Spain, and annexed colony after colony in all parts 
of the two hemispheres, so Pitt had taken into pay the greater 
part of the armies of the Coalition in order that, while the con- 
tinental nations were exhausting themselves in internecine strife, 
England might gain undisputed mastery of the seas and irresis- 
tible supremacy in the New World. 

The event had justified his expectations. In 1793 the Erench 
lost all their settlements in India. In the same year the burning 
of the arsenal and ships at Toulon by the fleet under Lord Hood 
had almost crippled the French maiiue. Corsica had flung off the 
unwelcome yoke of the Erench Eepublic and received the English 
with open aims. A terrible defeat had been inflicted on a 
French fleet under Yillaret Joyeuse and Jean Bon St. Andre, 
not far off the west coast of France by Admiral Lord Howe anJ 
the Channel Squadron, on the First of June, 1 794. 

The Endish had thus established their supremacy ^^^^1 ^^^ 

. colonial 

on every coast ; the western Mediterranean was successes 

practically becoming an English lake, and the 1793-95. 
French West Indian Islands were rapidly falling 
a prey to the English ships. The very successes of the Erench 
supplied the English with fresh opportunities for new acquisi- 
tions. , The proclamation of the Batavian Republic was followed 
by the seizure of the Cape of Good Hope, 1795, and the occu- 
"^f ation of the valuable island of Ceylon, which had long been 
considered by many statesmen necessary to the maintenance of 
our position in India, 1796. 

Less successful had been an attempt to take advantage of the 
royalist feeling which was well known to exist in 
Brittany and La Vendee. An expedition was sent Q^J|,^^on 
to Guiberon to co-operate with the Vendeans in an expedition, 
attack on the Eepublican garrison. The expedition, 1795. 
however, was badly managed. The English com- 
mander, a stiff red-tapist of the " Wooden-pole-with-cocked-hat- 
on-the-top-of-it" species, did not understand the undisciplined 
enthusiasm of the peasants which did not at all accommodate 
itself to the precise views of the parade-ground. He distrusted 



310 The French Revolution, 



his wild allies, and the wild allies began to despise him in turn- 
The result was that jealousies and quarrels broke out between 
the heads of the two forces, that the rebels remained dangerously 
and unusually inactive, and that one night Hoche and his Ee- 
publican army came upon them all by surprise and drove them 
into the sea. 

But though the war had been so successful at sea, the burden 
of taxation began to be felt very heavily in England owing to 
the vast sums expended in subsidies and matmel. The early 
enthusiasm, therefore, which had rendered the war inevitable, 
began to die away after 1794, and was succeeded by an eager 
desire for peace among the lower classes. Pitt, therefore, recog- 
nizing this feeling, took advantage of the estab- 
Overtures for Ushment of the Government of the Directory on 
ftised n"96 what appeared to be a more firm and moderate 

basis than the previous Eevolutionary Govern-' 
ments, to open negotiations for a peace, March, 1796. These 
overtures he repeated again in the autumn of the year. But in 
each case the stumbling-block proved the Netherlands, which 
Pitt insisted must be restored to Austria. This the Directory 
utterly refused to consent to, and at last, in the ihost insulting 
manner, ordered the English envoy. Lord Malmesbury, to quit 
Prance at once. The prosecution of the war, therefore, became 
necessary, nor could England have withdrawn now with honour. 
The chief importance of these negotiations is that they entirely 
acquit Pitt of the charge of unnecessarily prolonging the war, 
which was reiterated against him by Fox and a few supporters, 
and throw the blame wholly and solely on the Directory. The 
truth was that the Erench people were so accustomed to regard 
Pitt as " a demon " and England as "the enemy of the human 
race," that the Directory considered any negotiations with this 
country as a very dangerous experiment which might produce 
the overthrow of their power. The extraordinary triumphs, 
moreover, which had followed the advance of their army into 
Italy under Napoleon Buonaparte might well have unduly 
elated even more moderate and rational politicians. 

The year 1796 had given ^NTapoleon possession of the whole of 
Italian cam- North Italy after a series of brilliant and startling 
paigii,1796- successes, and though the Archduke Charles of 
^*^' Austria had driven the Erench armies out of Ger- > 

many, the triumphs of Napoleon recalled him hastily to defend the 
Alpine passes which led into the southern provinces of the Aus-. 



Cape St. Vincent and Camperdown. 311 

— ■ - - ' 

trian dominions. In 1797, however, Napoleon started once more 
on a career of singular glory and baseness. A rapid advance into 
the Austrian territories was followed by the complete submission 
of the haughty emperor, and in October, 1797, the 
Peace of Gampo Tormio was concluded between ^®^ce of 
France and Austria, by which, in consideration Formio 1797. 
of receiving the territories of Venice — an inde- 
pendent, friendly power — Austria acknowledged the right of 
France to annex the N etherlands and the left bank of the Khine, 
and to protect the dependent states created in Holland and 
Italy. Therefore, of aU the original members of the First 
Coahtion, England was the only one who still continued the 
war. 

'■ Meanwhile in 1796 an attempt had been made to throw a 
Legion noire of released galley-slaves on to the 
coast of Pembrokeshire, which was easily repulsed Attempted 
by the militia under Lord Cawdor. A similar ^Jgiand^ 
expedition had set sail for Ireland, but had been yi^^, 
dispersed and compelled to retreat to Brest. Eng- 
land, however, had to encounter a greater danger in 1797. 
Treaties with Spain and the Batavian Eepublic had placed no 
less than seventy ships at the disposal of the French, and this 
accession of force enabled them to once more seriously dispute 
with the English the supremacy of the seas. A combined plan 
of campaign was arranged. The Spanish ships were to sail north 
and pick up the French fleet off Brest, the Dutch 
fleet off the Texel. The united squadrons would ■^'^^^^P^^^j 
then ride supreme in the Channel. Admiral Sir England 
John Jervis, however, and his subordinate. Com- ^797^ 
modore Nelson, sailed to meet the Spaniards, 
came in sight of them off Cape St. Vincent, February 14th, and, 
though the forces of the enemy were vastly superior, attacked 
and inflicted a severe defeat on them which compelled them to 
retire to Cadiz. The plan had thus faUen through. The dan^ 
ger, however, was still very great, for not only were the French 
and Dutch fleets preparing to sail, but alarming mutinies broke 
out among the seamen, at Spithead and the Nore, which tem- 
porarily crippled the English marine. Firmness and moderation 
combined, however, allayed the discontent, and brought back the 
fleets to their allegiance before the enemy had discovered the 
weakness of the English. And so in October a briUiant victory 
tron by Admiral Duncan over the Dutch fleet off the coast of 



312 The I^rench Revolution. 



Camperdown restored the English supremacy of the seas, and 
destroyed all danger of invasion. 

Section 5. — Repressive Measures in England, 1793-97. 

There can he little doubt that, when Pitt first entered on his 
policy of repression, the feeling of the English people was strongly 
n favour of it. The nation had the most thorough confidence in 
Pitt; they had been exasperated and terrified by the tragedies which 
they had witnessed in France. In consequence a sort of panic took 
possession of them, and they committed themselves blindly into 

the hands of the Government for protection 
fidence in^^" against any repetition of these horrors in England. 
Pitt, 1793. Their confidence was chiefly shown in the readi- 

ness with which they submitted to increased 
taxation, and subscribed vast loans for the war. The commer- 
cial classes, in fact, were decidedly desirous of war. In Parlia- 
ment, moreover, Fox's supporters had dwindled down to forty-one. 
It was hopeless to bring forward motions condemning the war, 
or advocating Parliamentary Reform, for they were now invari- 
ably thrown out by large majorities. The general confidence in 
Pitt was increased by the skill with which he tided over a 
financial crisis in 1793, which was produced by reckless banking 
and overtrading, and the export of large sums in the form of 
subsidies to foreign powers. Pitt saw that there really was 
plenty of wealth in the country, but that a great deal of the 
metal currency had been withdrawn from circulation, and this 
had caused a temporary scarcity of the medium of exchange. 
He therefore stayed the panic, which was setting in with great 
violence, by issuing bills on the Exchequer to the value of ^y^ 
millions to those merchants who could prove their solvency and 
give security. These bills became a form of paper currency 
resting on the credit of the nation ; which, being received and 
passing as money, gave the necessary relief to the exhausted 
metal currency. 

The change in Pitt's poUcy was shown by numerous repressive 
statutes and State prosecutions, which were aU directed against 
the extreme party. The most important of the former was the 

Traitorous Correspondence Act, which extended 
Repressive the oifence of high treason to all who supplied 

me^a^sures, a,ny arms, military or naval stores to the enemy ; 

all who purchased lands in. France ; all who 



Repressive Measures. 313 



had any intercourse with France without special licence under 
the Great Seal. The second of these offences would seem 
entirely fanciful were it not that the sale of land was the chief 
support of the French Government at this time ; and that there- 
fore buying land in France would really be indirectly strengthen- 
ing the hands of the enemy. 

This Act was followed by numerous State prosecutions for 
seditious meetings and seditious writings. With France in the 
agonies of a Democratic Ee volution an English Minister might 
well feel a certain amount of alarm at the almost unlimited 
licence permitted to wild incendiary tongues and pens in Eng- 
land ; and desire to check it by striking wholesome terror into 
the hearts of the offenders. But such prosecutions ought to have 
been managed with the greatest care. The selection of a few 
prominent offenders for summary punishment might have awed 
the whole horde of scurrilous pens into silence at 
once ] but the indiscriminate indictment oi a host \iqj^^ 1793 
of minor offenders could produce nothing but an 
undesirable appearance of persecution. As it happened, the 
Government managed the work of repression with great indis 
cretion. Men were indicted for treason for merely selling the 
works of Thomas Paine, for abusing the Government, for posting 
up handbills referring to Parliamentary Keform, for announcing 
that the Fleet Prison would shortly be to let owing to the aboli- 
tion of all Bastiles by the French Kevolution. The charges on 
which the prisoners were brought to trial were often trivial 
enough in themselves to render the prosecution wholly unjusti- 
fiable I but the maimer in which they were conducted was still 
more unjustifiable. The judges were openly and obviously pre- 
judiced in favour of the Government ; they usually summed up 
strongly against the prisoner ; some even bewailed the fact 
that they could not inflict a heavier penalty than the law 

prescribed. 

The folly and extravagance of the judges was especially shown 
in the trial of one Muir, who was indicted for ^^.^^ ^^ ^^^.^^ 
spreading the works of Thomas Paine. The head 1794 
of the Scotch Bench entered into a dissertation 
against Universal Suffrage, and laid down the doctrine that the 
landed interest alone had a right to be represented. These pro- 
ceedings were shortly followed by the prosecution of the mem- 
bers of a supposed National Convention, which had been esta- 
blished in Edinburgh in imitation of the French. Euffians like 



314 The French Revolution, 

these deserved no sympathy, and met with none when they were 

sentenced to be transported for fourteen years ; 
Reaction \^yy^ ^^^ obvious unfairness of many of the other 

Government trials produced a reaction against the Government, 
1794. ' and tended to divide the propertied classes de- 

cidedly from the non -propertied. 
In 1794, — so little successful had been the poHcy of the 
Government — the English Eadicals established a Convention^ 
which appears to have been of a far more dangerous kind than 
its Scotch predecessor. The workmen in the large towns were 

stirred up, and formed into regular clubs. The 
The Eng-hsh manufacture of arms and secret drilling went 
1794^ * rapidly forward. Proofs were discovered later 

among the papers of this Convention of a definite 
plan to overawe Parliament as the Jacobin Club had overawed 
the French Assembly. Before, however, matters had gone any 
dangerous lengths the Government swooped down on the secret 
traitors ; ilie Habeas Corpus Act was suspended ; and the leaders, 
of the Convention, twelve in number, among whom were Hardy, 
Thelwall, and John Home Tooke, were arrested and put on 
their trial for high treason. This last move was a great mistake. 
The conspirators had undoubtedly committed a grave ojffence, 
which could hardly be passed over with impunity ; and it was 
highly desirable that they should be punished. They were not, 
however, technically guilty of treason on any head ; and this fact 

enabled their counsel, Erskine, to make an impas- 
Trial and sioned appeal to the jury on the danger of suddenly 

acquittal of ^^^ arbitrarily enlarging the scope of the Treason 
tne Conven- -^ t*!. • -xi. i i xi. 

tion leaders. l^-aws. ine prisoners were acquitted ; and the 

Government sustained a moral defeat ; while the 
wild enthusiasm with which the acquittal was received by the 
mob showed how dangerous a split had arisen between class and 
class in consequence of these violent measures. At the same 
time the acquittal was a good thing. A conviction could only 
have exasperated the extreme party, and led to more violent 
outbreaks. The firmness of the jury revived the confidence of 
the people in the safeguards for the liberty of the subject, which 
had been so dangerously shaken by the action of the executive. 

Good results ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^® ^^ acted as a warning to the 

Government, and undoubtedly induced a less arbi- 
trary tone in dealing with the popular discontent in the troubled 
years which followed. 



Repressive Measures. 315 



In July, 1794, the Tory party was consolidated by the acces- 
sion of the Duke of Portland and his friends, who 
were admitted to some of the best places in the Portland 
Ministry. Pitt was thrown in consequence more J^\^? ^^® 
than ever into the hands of the war party, at a J^g^"^^^' 
time when a general feeling was rising among 
the lower classes in favour of peace, owing to the heavy burden 
of taxation involved by the war, and the distress and suffering 
which were the results. This feeling tended to draw more 
sharply the line between class and class. 

In 1795, however, the Government still persevered with the 
same policy at home and abroad. The war was prosecuted with 
the utmost vigour. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act 
was renewed. And in consequence of a great increase in sedi- 
• tious writings and meetings, and of riots in London and other 
towns, the Attorney-General brought in two coercive statutes 
known as the Sedition and Treason Bills. The 
first required that every public meeting should be statutes 1795. 
advertised by a paper signed by resident house- 
holders, and empowered any magistrate to disperse a meeting 
at his own discretion without the formality of reading the Kiot 
Act. The second attached the penalties of treason to seditious 
writing, preaching, and speaking, and affixed heavy punish- 
ments to the crime of writing or speaking against the Govern- 
ment. These bills were strongly opposed by the Whigs^ but 
without any effect. 

In 1796 Pitt began to be influenced by the prevailing desire 

for peace. He had hitherto resisted it on the _ , , 

OvfiFtures tor 
ground that all negotiations were hopeless until peace 1796. 

some settled form of Government was established 

in France. The Directory had the appearance of a comparatively 

regular and settled Government, and Pitt took advantage of this 

to open negotiations with France twice in 1796, with little result 

in each case but insolence from the Eepublican leaders. From 

this moment a change came over the feeling of . « ^ ^^^^^ 

the people with regard to the war. Pitt's over- ^^„ ^f loyalty. 

tures, unsuccessful in themselves, had shown the 

nation that peace was impossible, that France was bent on 

aggression, and that the continuance of the war was becoming a 

necessity. THe threats of invasion, which followed, excited the 

spirit of the nation against the insolent Eepublicans. And 

when a third overture had been rejected in 1797 with every 



316 The French Revolution, 

form of insult, the nation went strongly with Pitt in favour of 
the war ; and the seething discontent, which had appeared so 
dangerous, became gradually transformed into an enthusiastic 
spirit of loyalty towards the king and Government. 

At the same time the Ministry found themselves beset with 
dangers and difficulties in the year 1797 before the effects of 
this change had become apparent. 

The first was a fresh financial crisis due to the enormous ex- 
. port of money from England. There was no real 

crisis 1797 ^^ wealth \ that had been proved by the im- 

mediate response which had met Pitt's repeated 
demands for loans to carry on the war. The explanation lay in 
the fact that money had been paid to foreign countries to buy 
provisions to compensate for the badness of the English harvests; 
that vast sums had been sent to the continental Powers in the 
form of subsidies ; and that the almost total cessation of trade 
had prevented any money coming into the country. The result 
was an alarming decrease in the circulating medium and a panic 
of much the same kind as that of 1793'. In fact on Saturday, 
February 20th, there was only 1^272,000^. in the Bank cellars, 
and demands were coming in so fast that it was impossible that 
the Bank could last over more than forty-eight hours. The 
Executive, therefore, interfered ; a Proclamation was issued for- 
bidding cash payments of more than thirty shil- 

cashTay!'' ^^^^ ^^ *^^ ^^^- ^his was agreed to by the 
ments. merchants, who promised to accept bank-notes as 

legal tender. This stoppage of cash payments 
was intended as a temporary measure for seven weeks, but it 
continued in operation for twenty-two years, and during the 
whole of the time the burden was cheerfully borne by the 
people, and the depreciation of the notes was very slight 
indeed. 

The danger, however, caused by the two mutinies at the Nore 
and Spithead was much greater, for they temporarily incapaci- 
tated our great instrument of defence at a time when France, 
Spain, and Holland, were arranging an united invasion of Eng- 
Spithead ^^^^' ^^^ Spithead Mutiny was based on the 

Mutiny, 1797. grievances of the seamen, whiph were very real. 

Their pay and pensions were still at the same rate 
as in the reign of Charles II., though prices had risen some 
thirty or forty per cent, since then, and the pay of the army had 
been proportionately increased. The officers, too, were appointed 



Spithead and the No re. 317 



and promoted chiefly by interest, and endowed with absolute} 
' ' " power, which was at times used very arbitrarily. The whole 
naval system was vilely arranged ; the accommodation and pro- 
visions of the sailors were extremely bad ; peculation was rife in 
every department of the service. The Spithead fleet, therefore, 
suddenly refused to obey orders, appointed delegates from every 
ship, and drew up a petition of grievances for the Admiralty. 
The Admiralty had sufficient sense to see the justice of the 
petition \ the popular Lord Howe was sent down to allay the 
mutiny, in which he was successful ; and an Act of Parliament 
was passed to secure redress of the grievances complained of, 
and especially to make some salutary changes with regard to the 
official system. 

TJie Mutiny at the Nore was of a more dangerous, because of 
a more political, character. Headed by a man 
called Parker, the mutineers demanded a revision Kore^^797 
of the Articles of War, an increase of prize-money, 
and the dismissal of unpopular officers. The mutiny became so 
dangerous that the most vigorous measures had to be taken. The 
mutineers, however, finding themselves blockaded in the Thames, 
and meeting with no sympathy on shore or in the other fleets 
surrendered. They were treated with great leniency, and only 
four or five, including Parker, were hanged, for the reality of 
their grievances was too apparent. All through both mutinies 
the utmost loyalty was shown to the king. All attempts at 
treason were sternly repressed, and at the end the men returned 
to their duty as loyally and honestly as before. 

The result of the year, therefore, was to greatly strengthen the 

hands of the Minister by showing the real loyalty 

of the country, and enable him to make prompt ^^^® of loyal 

• . and uauional 

and extraordinary preparations for the invasion feeling. 

which seemed imminent in the spring of 1798. 

The failure of the last negotiations with France, which had 

been opened at Lisle, convinced the mass of the intelligent and 

weU-informed that Pitt had been reluctantly forced into the 

war, and was sincerely anxious to end it. The victories of the 

fleet revived the national enthusiasm, which had sunk very low 

owing to the failures of the army in Flanders. So " the public 

spirit and loyalty of the people mounted high, and the danger 

which, for a time, had threatened the monarchy, no longer 

alarmed the existing generation." State prosecutions became 

rarer and rarer, and though the coercive laws were not removed 



318 The French Revolution. 



from the statute-book, yet at the beginning of the next century 
we find the curious transformation that the English Ministry 
take up the position of maintaining the freedom of the English 
press against the French Government's demand for repressive 
measures and arbitrary prosecutions. 



1 



Ireland, 319 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE tJNION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND, 1782—1800. 

Section 1. — Necessity for the Union. 

The state of Ireland had been gradually growing worse since 
1782. All the old evils remained and new ones were intro- 
duced. The party which had triumphed on that occasion was 
the Protestant aristocracy. They had turned the noble army of 
Volunteers to political ends ; they had made the patriotic aspirar 
tions of the people subserve their own base and selfish interests. 
They had succeeded — but at the price of the sympathy of the 
people. The Volunteers had gradually dwindled 
away. Power fell entirely into the hands of a few jJ^^j^^J*® ®' 
great families, who monopolized the places and 1782-92! 
profits of the administration, and desired to rule the 

■ country themselves and for themselves. The Parliamentary 
system became more and more corrupt ; while all attempts at 
Reform were rejected by this aristocratic clique. The English 
Government could only maintain any influence in the Parliament 
by means of direct bribery of every kind ; and on some occasions 
the Irish Houses, led by the dominant aristocracy, had shown an 
utter incapacity to appreciate the true bearing of imperial ques- 
tions, and had acted in direct opposition to the decisions of the 
English Parliament. 

Had Ireland been as far off as Canada or America, Home 

' Rule would not only have been useful, but could not possibly 
have had any harmful bearing on England. Special laws, 
special tariffs, innovations of almost any kind, in Canada could 
not afiect England in the slightest provided the relation be- 
tween the two countries was duly maintained. Ireland, however, 
was far too near to allow Irish legislation and Irish action to be 
a matter of no importance to England. If Ireland, which is 



320 The Union of England and Ireland. 

separated from England by only a narrow channel, was to be 

permitted to pass protective tariffs while England 
Ho^e^Eule. ^^ introducing free trade, to admit universal 

suflrage while England maintained the franchise 
. at a certain height, to vote whether or no she would bear her 
share of wars in which England might engage, to debate on the 
question of independence ; then the integrity of the British Em- 
pire would have been destroyed. Moreover the Irish are and 
have proved themselves totally unfit to govern themselves. They 
must therefore, on breaking free from England, have relapsed 
- into a state of anarchy, which would have rendered them an 
easy prey to a foreign Power. The geographical position of 
Ireland entirely forbids the possibility of our ever .allowing 
her to become dependent on a foreign Power. The result 
therefore would have been a long and bloody war to recover 
what we had so tamely given up. The existence of Home 
Eule in Ireland, therefore, presented the continual menace of 
separation which we could never allow. Moreover the principles, 
of the dominant Oligarchy were extremely degraded. Their 
one object was to get as much as they could in the way of 
profit and promotion. Corruption was carried to such an ex- 
tent that men openly boasted that they had never given an 

honest vote. All attempts at Eeform or at grant- 
the^TJnion.^^ ing toleration to the CathoKcs were resisted 

steadily. The Aristocracy, therefore, had no claim 
on the country ; they had given no sign of any talent for go- 
vernment ; they had shown themselves utterly incapable of 
taking a large and statesmanlike view of politics. The pre- 
sent state of the Irish Government was a disgrace to England. 
It might in desperate and reckless hands become a menace. The 
ultimate legislative union, therefore, of the two nations was a 
necessity, and every fresh manifestation of strong daring misuse 
of unlimited power only precipitated the inevitable event. 

Section 2. — State of Ireland, 

The first difficulty which beset the English Government was 
therefore this strong constitutional Opposition in Parliament, 
which included the principal families, and was headed by un- ' 

principled jobbers like Beresford and Fitzgibbon, 
ment^ry^^" the Chancellor. This Opposition also reckoned 
Opposition. ^ ^^^ ranks the remains of the old patriotic party, 

headed by Grattan, who honestly wished to al- 



Irish Parties, 321 



leviate the wrongs of Ireland and especially of the Eoman 
Catholics, and who united with the Beresfords only on the com- 
mon ground of opposition to the Government. The two sections 
of this party were really the representatives of the patriotic 
Volunteers of 1782 and the unpatriotic Aristocracy which had 
derived the benefit of their action. 

Next to them came the Irish peasants, the Roman Catholic 
party, who still suffered under all the heavy restrictions of the 
Penal Code and the evils caused by absenteeism. They had ex- 
pected much from the Parliament after 1782. They found 
themselves tricked by the men who had professed 
most to them. They were therefore ripe for re- catholics 
beUion ; and premonitory signs of the future out- 
break appeared in agrarian outrages, in combinations of every 
kind against the tithe collectors, tax collectors, and landlords, in 
Societies of the White Boys, the Oak Boys, and Captain 
Eight's Children. The Government was totally unable to pro- 
tect the victims of these outrages. In 1790 there arose, there- 
fore, among the Protestants the organization of the Orange 
Lodges with the avowed object of enforcing that protection 
which the Government was unable to confer. The result was 
that a form of civil war broke out in many parts of Ireland be- 
tween the two religions, which was carried on with cruel outrages 
on both sides. 

Thirdly, there was a party, existing mainly in the north of 
Ireland, which was the direct outcome of the influence of the 
Erench Revolution. Republican and Jacobin rm^ ^^ i^j- 
ideas found a ready hearing among the half-edu- q^j^^^ 
Gated, dissenting or freethinking, artisans of 
Ulster, who f uUy realized the defects of the existing Government 
and looked forward, — as so many nations did during this decade, 
— to a beatified Republic, in which all should be free and equal. 
These men were willing to throw themselves into the arms of 
France in order to separate from England ; for thus only could 
their aUuring delusive visions be realized. 

Of these three sections the last two alone were really dan- 
gerous, and it was from their ranks that the Rebellion eventually 
sprang. 

Section 3.— Drifting into EehelUon, 1790-95. 
The strength of the Government had hitherto lain in the dis- 



322 The Unioi^ of England and Ireland. 



imion of their enemies ; tlie three sections of the opposition 
were as much opposed to one another as to the Government. A 

young barrister named Wolfe Tone conceived the 
I^\m^n^* brilliant idea of persuading the Eepublicans and 
ns men. ^^^ Roman Catholics to sink religious questions 

for fhe time and unite temporarily in order to throw out the 
English, From this scheme sprang the political Society of the 
United Irishmen, which was pledged to effect a separation from 
England, and included the whole Republican party and the great 
majority of the CathoHcs. 

The plan of the English Government ought obviously to have 
been to act vigorously in support of the Protestant ascendency, 
and confine itself to granting just enough relief to the Catho- 
lics to draw off the moderate party. Pitt, however, disgusted 
at the iniquitous way in which the Government was carried 
on by the Protestant aristocracy, introduced and forced through 

the Irish Parliament in 1792 and 1793, two 
Concessions ^^ts by which most of the disabilities of the 
Catholics Catholics were removed. The intermarriage pro- 

1792-93. ' hibitions were repealed ] Catholics were admitted 

to the law, to the franchise, to all but the higher 
civil and military offices ; finally all restrictions on their edu- 
cation were abolished, and Dublin University thrown open to 
them. These concessions produced absolutely no result. The 
United Irishmen maintained that the franchise was of no use, as 
long as they could only elect Protestants to Parliament, and 
on this ground they continued their agitation, putting forward 

„^ « ^^ ,. the constitutional pretext of Parliamentary Ee- 
The Catnolics x j. j.i- i.j. rr»i j.- 

not satisfied. lorm to cover their secret treason, ihe energetic 

action of the Executive, however, in suppressuig 
seditious meetings destroyed their hopes, and Tone himself was 
even thinking of joining the side of the Government. The more 
desperate of the party, however, began to look decidedly to as- 
sistance from France in order to accomplish the Revolution, 
which they saw they were not strong enough to effect single- 
handed. 

In 1794, on the accession of Portland to the Ministry, the 

hopes of the Irish Catholics received an unex- 
excited\v°^^^ pected impetus. Lord Fitzwilliam was sent over . 
Fitzwilliam, ^^ Lord Lieutenant ; and it was definitely un- 
1794 ; derstood that he came armed with power to ' ■ 

effect sweeping reforms. His measures, however, | 



Civil War. 323 



' I 






brought him into collision with the Protestant Aristocracy, and 
their underhand intrigues with the king proved powerful enouc^h 
to effect his recall. The argument which carried most weight 
to the royal mind on this occasion, it is as weU to remember 
was that to admit Roman Catholics to Parliament would be a 
breach of the coronation oath. 

Fitzwilliam was succeeded by Lord Camden, who was com- 
missioned to return to the old policy of no concession. Thus 
the Catholics saw their hopes dashed to the ground at the very 
moment of expected fruition. Stimg to fury, they broke out in 
a Rebellion, marked by atrocities of revolting 
cruelty, and appealed to France. The result (jamden 1796 
was to unite all the Protestants — even fhe Re- 
2)uhUcans of Ulster — in a common effort to preserve the Pro- 
testant ascendency. ReKgion, as has ever been the case in 
Ireland, proved stronger than the wildest political frenzy. The 
Eehellion was a war to destroy not merely the English governing 
body, but the whole dominant Protestant sect ; and this was 
quite enough to unite aU the hostile sections of the Protestants 
in support of the English Government. 



Section L—The MehelUon, 1795-98. 

In 1795 a fight took place between the two parties in 
comity Armagh, which was called the Battle of the Diamond, 
from a wretched village near the scene of the encounter. 
Civil war at once broke out. Bands of Catholic marauders 
traversed the country plundering, bumiag, and maiming. 
In consequence the troops were let loose on the miserable 
peasantry; an Act of Indemnity was passed in outbreak of 
1796, to cover any enormities which might be ^^^^^ 
committed by the troops ; and the Habeas Corpus 
Act was suspended. Then the news came that Lord Edward 
Fitzgerald (a younger brother of the Duke of Leinster) and 
Arthur O'Connor had arrived in France and planned with 
General Hoche a French invasion. It is pretty certain that 
neither O'Connor nor Fitzgerald intended to hand the country 
over to the French. They must have had some wild hope of 
, creating an Irish Republic under the protection of France. 

The tidings of the threatened invasion and the dangerous 
strength and activity of the United Irishmen alarmed the Govern- 

Y 2 



324 The Union of England and Ireland, 



nient so much that they accepted the services of the only trust- 
worthy force which they could raise — the yeomanry, consisting 
mainly of Protestants, who volunteered at once to the numher 
of some thirty-seven thousand. The creation of this corps un- 
doubtedly saved Ireland, but for the moment it increased the 

ferocity of the civil war. The Protestants and 
the yeimawy Catholics bore much the same relation to one 

another that the backwoodsmen and the Indians 
maintained along the American borders. They treated the 
members of the opposite side with a cold-blooded cruelty rarely 
paralleled in the history of civilized nations. The yeomanry 
burnt, plundered, tortured, and ravished with the greatest 
impartiality wherever they bent their ruthless steps. The 
Irish showed how well they had learnt their lesson of Jacobinism 
by atrocities, which ran those of the Orangemen very close in 
point of horror. 

Fortunately, however, in the very darkest hour of the danger, 
while thirty-eight French ships were actually in Bantry Bay, 
the Government succeeded in breaking the neck of the con- 
spiracy by arresting the whole of the Central 
rebel leaders. Committee of the United Irishmen. Thus for 

some time the conspiracy wandered aimlessly 
about without any guidance whatever, while the very perfection 
of the secret machinery of the system prevented for long the dis- 
covery of the arrest of the leaders. In consequence, the people 
of the south, having received no orders on the subject, made 

no attempt to assist the French in any way. 
Failure of Fortunately, moreover, the expedition had been 

expedition. divided by storms. Hoche had been compelled 

to retreat to Brest. His second in command, 
Grouchy, was unwilling to risk the responsibility of acting alone, 
especially as the country people had not made any demonstra- 
tion of sympathy or welcome, or indeed, anything but curiosity. 
In a short time, therefore, finding the bay exposed to the storms 
of the Atlantic, he too weighed anchor and returned once more 
to Brest. 

The Government followed up their advantage with the 

greatest vigour. General Lake succeeded in dis- 

mea^ur^s of arming the north and. also the greater part of the 

the Govern- south, though this was not effected without the 

ment. crudest possible severity. At the same time, 



I 



The inevitable End. 325 

\ 

pure religious fury, there were undoubtedly numerous cases in 
wMch reliable information had been received of the concealment 
of arms^ the discovery of which upon any terms was necessary 
to the public security, and almost justified the use of any mea- 
sures to wriQg the knowledge of their place of concealment from 
the reluctant peasantry. Treachery, moreover, came as usual to 
the help of the Government. The Leiuster delegates and Lord 
Edward Fitzgerald were arrested by the aid of informers a few 
days before the 23rd of May, 1798, which had been appointed 
for a general rising. Fitzgerald was so desperately wounded in 
the process of arrest that he died before the sentence of the 
law had been pronounced. 

In spite of the seizure of the leaders the insurrection broke 
out on the appointed day, and for a short time the rebels and 
yeomen vied eagerly with one another in massacres of every 
kind. On the 21st of June, however, General Lake inflicted a 
severe defeat on the rebels in Kildare, and took their camp on 
Vinegar Hill. This was practically a death-blow to the Eebel- 
lion, though partisan warfare, disgraced by great 
cruelties on both sides, continued in different ^J^^^^^f ^'^ 
parts of the island. On the 22nd of August, y,eiiion. " 
however. General Humbert, with a small force 
of about 800 men, landed at Killala in Mayo. He was joined 
by a very small body of rebels, and succeeded in routing some 
mihtia at Castlebar, which engagement received the name of 
the Castlebar Kaces, from the speed with which the militia ran 
away. However, as he picked up no useful recruits and soon 
. found himself face to face with Lord Comwallis, the new Lord 
Lieutenant, and a large army, he surrendered at discretion. So 
ended the Irish Eebellion of 1798. 



Section 5.— The Union, 1798—1800. 

Comwallis had come out under the mistaken impression that 
the Eebellion was Jacobin, not Catholic. He ^^^^ 
therefore endeavoured to conciliate the people by cornwallis; 
publishing an indemnity for all who laid down 
their arms. At the same time he ordered the leaders to be hung. 
On the one hand, therefore, the EebeUion was not stamped out 
as easily as it might have been. On the other, many of the 
llfi principal prisoners confessed their villainy to the full to save 






I I I 
i. I 



326 The Union of England and Ireland. 

their lives, and thus furnished the Government with an ample 
answer to the denunciations of the Opposition, which had taken 
up as usual the cause of the enemies of England. 

Cornwallis' experience, however, quickly determined him that 

the only way to appease the country was to 
effecrthT* ^® establish some strong central power which should 
"Union. t)e able to overawe the rival factions, and grant ' 

justice to each regardless of party considerations. 
This could only be effected by a legislative union with England, 
and with this view Pitt thoroughly agreed. It could only be 
effected, however, with the consent of the Irish Parliament, and 
both sections of the Opposition steadily declined the idea. 
Nothing,, therefore, was left but to buy up a majority. Borough- 
holders must be compensated ; influential men given peerages 
and pensions ; many prominent people bribed directly with 
hard cash. This work was entrusted to Lord Castlereagh, a 
young Irishman, who certainly accomplished it as satisfactorily 
as was compatible with the disagreeable nature of the job. 
Moreover, there seems no doubt that, in order to conciliate the 
Catholics, certain vague promises of relief were held out to them 
by Cornwallis, which Pitt at the time fuUy intended to redeem by 
a Catholic Emancipation Act. By the opening of the session of 
1800 the work was completed and the Government majority 
The Union secure. On the 1 8th of February, after an arduous 

Aug. 2, 1800. Parliamentary campaign, in which the Opposition 

had in vain tried to buy back their lost ground, 
the Bill for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland was passed, 
and by the 2nd of August this Bill had become Statute Law. 

The Act provided that four spiritual and twenty-eight tem- 
poral peers should represent the Irish peerage in the House of 
Lords ; that 100 members, elected on the old franchise, should 
The Act of ^^^ ^^^ Ireland in the House of Commons \ that 

rnion. Ireland should pay two-fifteenths towards the 

revenue; that the pubHc debt of each country 
should be kept distinct ; and that complete freedom of trade 
should exist between the two countries. 



I 



Second Coalition, 327 






CHAPTER Y. 

THE SECOND COALITION, 1798 — 1801'. 

The failure of the negotiations at Lisle was followed' by threats 
of invading England with the army of Italy, which was freed by 
the Treaty of Campo Formio. Napoleon, however, considered 
this project too dangerous, and determined to invade Egypt 
instead, with the view of opening negotiations with TippoOj 
Sultan of Mysore, and threatening our supremacy in India. 
Having therefore first taken possession of Switzerland, in order ' 
to obtain money for the expedition, he sailed with a large army, 
May, 1798, seized the island of Malta on his way, though 
there was no quarrel between France and the 
Knights of Malta, landed at Alexandria in July, ^^^^^l^^^ 
and in a short time mastered a considerable por- 1793,, ' 
tion of Egypt. iN'elson, however, was in hot 
pursuit, and though he arrived too late to prevent the landing, 
he succeeded in destroying all but two of the 
French fleet in the Bay of Aboukir. This victory -^^^^ 
removed aU danger for India ; shut up the best 
French army and their invincible General in Egypt ; and excited 
not merely an outburst of patriotic enthusiasm in England, but a 
general rising of the nations which had been humiliated by 
France. 

Pitt was easily able to gather together a Second Coalition of 
Austria, Eussia, I^aples, Turkey, and Germany; second CoaU- 
of these, however, Russia entered into the war ^^^^^ ^799^ 
chiefly because the new half-mad Czar, Paul I., 
was anxious to introduce his country into the general politics of 
Europe. By the end of the year the French had been driven 
out of Italy by the combined armies of the Coalition ; and the 
Duke of York, with a. mixed army of English and Russians, had 
landed in Holland and seized the Dutch fleet in the TexeL 



328 The Second Coalition, 

Meanwhile JS'apoleon had marched across the desert to Syria 
with the chimerical view of ascending Palestine, crossing the 
Golden Horn, and fighting his way back to France up the Danube 
Valley. He was stopped, however, by the fortress of Acre at 

the foot of Mount Carmel. It was defended by 
Defeat of ^ Djezzar Pacha, who was reinforced and provisioned 

Syria 1799 ^^ ^^^ Sidney Smith and the British fleet. 

Napoleon, after having in vain exhausted his 
strength against the courage and daring of the British sailors, 
retired discomfited to Egypt, where, hearing of the disasters in 
Italy, he deserted his army and with his four principal Generals 
sailed secretly for France. 

On his return he succeeded in overthrowing the Directory^' 
and procuring for himself what amounted practically to absolute 

power, under the Eepublican title of First Consul, 
late 1799." -^^ ^^^^ proceeded to address a personal note to 

the King of England proposing peace \ but there 
can hardly be any doubt that this letter was intended more as a 
manifesto to the French people to arouse their feelings against 
England than anything else. Pitt and Grenville refused in 
very dictatorial language, under a mistaken impression that 
Napoleon's Government could not possibly last long, and that 
the war would shortly end in great triumphs for the Coahtion. 

Events turned out otherwise. The EngHsh and Eussians had 
been abeady driven out of Holland. A great victory, won by 
Campaign of Napoleon in person at Marengo (June 14, 1800), 
1800. S^-^^ t^6 French once more possession of all Italy 

to the River Adige. A second victory at Hohen- 
linden (December 2, 1800), on the Danube, opened the road to 
Vienna, compelled Austria to seek peace, and broke up the 
Coalition. The Treaty of Luneville was in consequence con- 
cluded (February 9, 1801), by which Austria ceded the left 
bank of the Ehine again to France. 

A quarrel now broke out between England and Eussia. Paul, 
" the mad Czar," was disgusted at the ill-success of his armies in 
Holland and Switzerland. He was also inspired with a wild and 
The Armed ^^^"^^ admiration for Napoleon. He was there- 
Neutrality, ^^^^ ^^^y ill-disposed towards England ; and he 
1800. ' adopted the old question of the right of search 

as the ground for an open rupture. The EngHsh^ 
had always maintained their right to search all neutral ships and 
confiscate any goods of belligerents which might be found on 



Peace of Amiens, 329 



board ; and this rule they had invariably enforced during the 
whole century. An attempt had been made in 1780 to protest 
against it by the Armed I^eutrality of the Northern Powers, but 
with absolutely no success. During the present war a quarrel 
arose between England and Denmark on the subject. Denmark 
was willing to settle the matter amicably, but the ridiculous 
despot of Kussia now came forward as the " Protector of the. 
rights of the, neutral nations," and revived the Armed Neutrality 
against England, 1800. Sweden joined willingly, and Denmark 
under considerable pressure did the same. Thus England was 
once more, as in 1780, facing the united maritime powers of 
Europe, single-handed j for her Southern allies were too far off, 
and too weak to be of any assistance. The one bright spot on 
the horizon was the capture of Malta. 

In 1801, however, the tide completely turned. The Erench 
army in Egypt was obliged to capitulate to Brigadier Hope. A 
fleet was despatched to the Baltic, under Sir Hyde Parker and 
Nelson, which attacked and destroyed the greater 
part of the Danish squadron in the harbour of Break-up of the 
Copenhagen, April 2 ; and, by a threat of bom- trality 1801. 
barding the city, compelled Denmark to withdraw 
from the Armed Neutrality. Paul of Kussia was assassinated by 
his indignant subjects, and his successor Alexander was favour- 
able to England. The Armed NeutraHty therefore broke up 
entirely, and peace was signed between Eussia and England, by 
which the former definitely acknowledged the right of search. 

These circumstances disposed Napoleon to treat, and as the 
financial condition of England rendered peace almost necessary 
to her, it was concluded at Amiens, March, 1802. England 
surrendered all her conquests except Trinidad 
and Ceylon. Malta was to be restored to the J^gng^^jjar ' 
Knights under guarantee of one of the great 1802. * *' 
Powers* The Erench were to withdraw from 
Naples. Egypt was to be given up to the Porte. In fact all 
the most important questions with regard to the annexations of 
France were left out entirely, because in this way only could 
peace be arranged. At the same time, for this very reason, war 
must inevitably break out again sooner or later. The Peace of 
Amiens could therefore only be regarded as a truce. 



530 Events at Home. 



CHAPTEK VI. 

EVENTS AT HOME, 1798 — 1801. 

The rising enthusiasm of the country was strongly shown in the 
year 1798 and the period which followed. Mr. Fox, with con- 
siderable bad taste, allowed treasonable speeches and toasts to 
be made at a public dinner given in celebration of his birthday. 
Among others was the toast of " our Sovereign — the People," 
and this offence Fox himself repeated in an inflammatory speech 
at the Whig Club. The king considering that such speeches, 
at a time when England was threatened with invasion, and 
Ireland was in the throes of a desperate rebellion, were a mere 
1 -t f incentive to treason, struck Fox^s name off the 
Creorger ^ ^ -^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Privy Council ; and this event was 

received with general satisfaction throughout the 
country. George was now at the height of his popularity. The 
affection he inspired was very great and real. When his life 
was attempted in the theatre by a half-witted creature, the 
criminal was nearly torn to pieces by the infuriated audience. 
Even the Opposition spared George himself, though denouncing 
the Government, and treated him with the greatest possible con- 
sideration at the time of his unhappy disease. Nor was this 
odd. The personal purity, goodness, and homeliness of his life 
endeared him to all who came in contact with him. His poHcy 
and Ministers were now in complete harmony with the feeling 
of the nation. He had apparently given up all his ancient 
attacks on the Constitution. The very circumstances for which 
we should blame him, namely his obstinate refusal of emancipa- 
tion to the Catholics, only rendered him more beloved by the 
mass of the people, who were as bigoted and unreasonable as 
the king himself. The measures which strike us as harsh and 
despotic, and which Sir Erskine May characterizes as a complete 
abrogation of the Constitution, did not seem tyrannical to the 
majority of Englishmen at the time, any more than restrictions 
on personal liberty seem hard and despotic to the inhabitants of 



^' The Heaven-born Minister^^ 331 

a beleaguered town, who look and trust to their commandant 
implicitly for safety. The sympathy of the 
country was with Pitt, with the circle of young Enthusiasm 
men who edited the Anti-Jacohin^ — Canning, °^ ^^® people 
Frere, Mornington, EUis, Carlisle, — with Nelson pfance. 
and Sidney Smith, and not with Fox and Tierney, 
not with the Irish rebels or the French Directory. Their loyal 
devotion was especially shown by the zeal with which they 
responded again and again not merely to the regular loans raised 
by Government, but also to the numerous appeals for voluntary 
contributions to carry on the war. Undoubtedly mistakes were 
made by the Government, arbitrary acts were perpetrated, pos- 
sibly an opportunity for peace missed in 1800 ; but there is no 
doubt that the only power which could have carried England 
through the heavy burdens of this just and necessary war was the 
spirit of which Pitt was the representative. " The recognition, 
however, of the indispensabDity of a public servant does not 
preclude — least of all does it preclude in England — plenty of 
grumbling and discontent with that servant. Pitt knew that 
with the changed state of things his own popularity had waned. 
But he likewise knew that it was absolutely necessary for the 
preservation of the nation that he should remain in office." 

The condition of the country, however, was very bad. Com 
had risen to the enormous price of 1205. the quarter owing to 
the disinclination to import foreign com. This arose partly 
from a desire to keep money in the country, partly from the 
selfishness of the landowners, who wished to keep up the price 
in their own interests. The result was great dis- j)igti.e8s in 
tress and frequent com riots, in which the com- ^^^ country, 
factors suffered, owing to an ignorant theory that 
they were responsible for the high prices. This silly and dan- 
gerous error was even countenanced by some of the judges. 
Various measures were introduced to remedy the distress; 
among others that only brown bread should be used, to save 
flour; but the only effective one, free trade, was not even 

thought of. 

The natural result was that gradually the warlike feeling of 
the country dwindled away and was succeeded by an earnest de- 
sire for peace, which made even the terms of the ^^^ 
Peace of Amiens, 1802, acceptable to the people ^.^ange of 
though it was obvious from their very nature that feeling, 
it could only be a temporary truce. 



332 Events at Home, 



At the end of ttie year Fox and his friends seceded from 
Parliament, maintaining that the measures of the Ministry were 
dangerous to liberty and that they would not seem to sanction 
them by their presence. The lead of the Opposition thus fell to 
Mr. Tierney, and the chief result of Fox's action was to 

facilitate the carrying on of the war and the 
^e^ssionof Government. Pitt therefore never seemed so 

strong as on the eve of his resignation. 

This was brought about by his views on Catholic Emancipation* 

Castlereagh had undoubtedly held out vague promises to the 

Catholics, in which Pitt had certainly concurred ; nor is there 

any doubt that their hostility would have proved a serious 

obstacle to the Union. Pitt therefore, in 1801,, 
tion °180?^^^" proposed to bring forward a Bill for Catholic 

Emancipation. This scheme was treacherously 
disclosed to the king by Lord Loughborough, who hoped to dis- 
place and succeed Pitt. The king declared that he could not 
allow such a Bill to pass without violating his coronation oath. 
Pitt therefore at once resigned, and recommended Addington, 
the Speaker, in his place. 

The shock of parting with Pitt brought on a fresh attack of 

the king's insanity ; and this produced such an eifect on Pitt 

. . that on George's recovery he promised never 

of Pitt 1801 ^^ bring forward the Catholic question again. 

This pledge he had no right to give if he be- 
lieved Emancipation necessary to the welfare of the State • 
but still it must be remembered in his favour that with the 
king and country hostile to it, there was little chance of such a 
measure being carried. 



** Flagging Periods.'' 333 



CHAPTER VII. 

MINISTRY OF ADDINGTON, 1801— -APRIL, 1804. 

There really was now no reason why Pitt should resign, as , 
he had abandoned the CathoKc question, but Addington did 
not like the idea of giving up his post now that 
he had lost his old one of Speaker. Pitt there- 
fore determined to support the Government to the utmost, 
and many of the old Ministry remained in office. His intimate 
friends, however, Grenville, Dundas, Spencer, and Windham, 
retired with him. 

The resignation of Pitt at this time was really a fortunate 
thing. The country desired and needed peace. At the same 
time peace was impossible if the question of the continental 
changes was entered into. Pitt, however, could ^ 
not with honour negotiate without referring to Addington. 
these changes. Addington might easily do so. 
The Peace of Amiens was therefore concluded on the basis of 
ignoring all important questions and dealing only with minor 
details. 

Such a Peace by its very nature could only be a truce lasting 
until the two countries were ready for war again. Moreover, 
Xapoleon began to offer new insults to Europe and England al- 
most before the ink of the treaty was dry. De- 
claring that the omission of aU mention of his JJ^Jpqi^q^ ° 
dependencies had deprived England of any right ^gOl. 
to interfere, he proceeded to practically annex 
HoUand, North Italy, Switzerland, and Elba, treating all re- 
monstrances with the utmost contempt. He entirely refused 
any commercial intercourse with England and commanded his 
subject states to do the same, thus shutting English commerce 
out of half Europe. So far, however, he was within his right, 
though thereby he showed the bitterest animosity to England. 



334 Ministry of Addington", 

He had the presumption, however, to endeavour to interfere 
with the internal constitution of England. He demanded that 
the Government should suppress all attacks on him by the 

press, and especially should punish Jean Peltier, 
Napoleon's the editor of a French London paper called 
th ^ E^^ r h^ JL'^??^Z^^^w, which was devoted to attacking him 
press.^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ policy root and branch. This was all the 

more outrageous because the Moniteur, his own 
organ, was full of insults to England, and there was absolutely 
no check placed on a very similar paper to the Amhigu — the 
Argus — which was edited by an English renegade. Napoleon 
also demanded the expulsion of the emigrants from England. 
Lord Hawlcesbury, Addington's Foreign Secretary, replied that 
England was always in the habit of extending hospitality to 
political refugees, and would ^not abandon the right at the bid- 
ding of. a foreign Power ; that the freedom of .the press could not 
be violated, but that as Peltier appeared to have brought him- 
self under the law, he should be prosecuted. But as if to show 
the spirit of insolence which dictated these demands, at the very 
moment that Napoleon was insisting that the Constitution 
should be turned upside down at his pleasure, the Argus was 
allowed to make the most shameless accusations against Eng- 
land, and to mock at the madness of the king. 

Lq. January, 1803, a report on Egypt by Colonel Sebastiani 

was issued by the French Government. It contained a full ac- 

., count of the resources, commerce, physical and 

report 1803. ^ailitary characteristics of the country, — its object 

being to prove that Egypt could be conquered 
again by the French in a very short time and by a very small 
force. And yet Napoleon must have known that England 
would not permit him to conquer Egypt, and that any attempt 
in that direction must produce a declaration of war. 

Matters, however, were brought to a crisis in February, 1803. 
In consequence of Napoleon's unfriendly acts the English had 
retained Malta, — a clear breach of the Treaty of Amiens, but 
War declared ^^P^J compensated by his annexations. . On 
1803. ' ^^^^ subject he attacked the English Ambassador, 

Lord Whitworth, and after a series of stormy 
interviews, in which he uttered violent threats against England, 
finally went so far that Whitworth half drew his sword. Insults 
of this kind could only be wiped out in one way, and on the 18th 
of May war was once more declared. 



Between the Wars, 335 



Napoleon began the war by arresting all the English in France 
and endeavouring to stir np an Irish rebellion. One Emmett 
and two companions — Eussell and Quigley, thorough Jacobins 
at heart, succeeded in creating an alarming riot 
in Dublin in July ; but it was easily put down, ^^-Poleon's 
the plot discovered, and Emmett hanged. The 
importance of this miserable ajffair was that it was followed by 
a series of coercive laws directed against similar conspiracies 
which neutralized a great deal of the good which the Union 
might otherwise have effected. These measures of Napoleon 
were accompanied by vigorous preparations in aU the French 
harbours for an invasion of England. 

PubKc feeling in England had been gradually undergoing a 
considerable change during this period. The wild desire for 
peace had given way to a feeling of indignation at the insults of 
France. It had become evident that Napoleon was bent on 
treating us as he had treated the other Powers of Europe, and 
that if he had his will the tramp of the French 
cuirassiers would soon be heard in Whitehall, patriotic en- 
The whole nation therefore rose as one man to Eneland^ ^^ 
defend itself, and to vindicate the rights of 
Europe. All feelings of bitterness created by arbitrary govern- 
ment died out. The Opposition remained unconvinced for some 
time as to the necessity for the war; but even they became 
•gradually forced by the stem logic of facts to give up their 
delusion. There may be two opinions as to the justice and 
necessity of the previous War, though the evidence as to the 
determiaed hostility of France is pretty conclusive. It may be 
doubted whether Pitt was right in carrying on the war by sub- 
sidizing continental Powers, though it is difi&cult to see how it 
could have been maintained otherwise. There can, however, 
be but one sound opinion as to the Second War — that our 
national existence was at stake, and that we must either have 
fought or surrendered. Napoleon was bent on the invasion of 
England, and nothing but the prowess of our Admirals pre- 
vented his accomplishing his object. With us would have 
fallen the liberty of Europe beneath the iron sway of a Despotism 
as grinding and unenlightened as the sovereignties of Asia. The 
patriotic feeling of the country showed itself in the readiness 
with which all classes came forward to bear the expenses of the 
war. The merchants agreed to assist the Government to the 
best of their ability. A general property-tax was voted. 



536 Ministry of Addington. 



Patriotic meetings were held in every part. Companies of 
volunteers were enlisted in every county. Martello towers 
were built all along the southern coast to guard against invasion. 
The whole nation went suddenly mad on uniforms and drilling. 
The militia was called out, and a great fleet put out to sea. 

The outbreak of war aroused a general desire for the return of 

Pitt to office. It was felt that Addington had been put in for 

. a special purpose, to make peace and smooth 

pft?s\eturn ^^^^ ^^ Catholic question ; but that in an hour 

of such danger the ablest statesman should be at 
the helm. The common voice of the country called Pitt back 
to power. The difficulty, however, was that it did not appa- 
rently occur to Addington that he was not fit to carry on a war, 
and Pitt utterly forbade his friends to give the Premier any 
hints that he ought to resign. The king, moreover, was delighted 
with Addington, whose mediocre capacity suited him far more 
than the commanding genius of Pitt. Addington, therefore, 
was sufiPered to remain in office, and mismanage the affairs of 
the country subject only to the sharp criticism of Fox's party 
and that of Grenville, who with a party of his own had formed 
relations with Pox which began to draw him rather away from 
Pitt. Soon, however, Pitt began to drift into opposition. The 
dilatoriness with which the preparations for national defence 
were carried on, and the extraordinary mismanagement of the 
Admiralty, at last convinced him that Addington was unfit to 
conduct the great war on which we were embarked. When, 
therefore, it was rumoured that the king's health was failing 
and it was understood that the Prince of "Wales would commit 
the Government to his friend Lord Moira, Pitt decided to op- 
pose Addington rather than allow the country to fall to such 

incapable hands. Addington, therefore, finding 
siffiiT^prn^' ^^^ majorities continually decreasing, sent in his 
1804.' ' resignation. Pitt's conduct on this occasion has 

been severely censured as treacherous to Ad- 
dington, and as inspired solely by a desire to return to office. 
But there are certain critical occasions on which it is the duty of 
public men to sink their private friendships, and act as they, 
consider best for the public good. Addington, however, did 
not take the latter view of the case, for he and Pitt were never 
exactly friends afterwards. 



^^ Sour Grapes^ 337 



CHAPTER VIII. 

SECOND MINISTRY OF PITT, APRIL, 1804 — JANUARY, 1806. 

Mr. Pitt urged the formation of a strong national Ministry, 
whicli sliX)uld be able to draw to it the unanimous support of 
England, and should by mutual agreement defer all dangerous 
and disputed questions, such as ]&eform and Catholic Emanci- 
pation, until the end of the war. He would 
therefore have included Fox and Grenville. f^e ^iS^sV^ 
There is no doubt, too, that Fox would have 
joined Pitt on these terms, and that it was only the personal 
dislike of the king which prevented his doing so. The king 
positively refused to admit him, and so Fox continued to head 
the Opposition. Grenville would not come in without Fox ; and 
so Pitt was compelled to form a narrow Tory Ministry, including 
Lords Eldon, Castlereagh, the Duke of Portland, Messrs. Canning 
and Huskisson. It seems difficult to blame Pitt for wishing to 
defer to a more favourable time questions which were sure to 
excite an undesirable ferment, and which must infallibly be 
thrown out by large majorities in Parliament, It is equally 
difl&cult to extenuate the conduct of Fox. For while conceding 
to him the utmost admiration for his liberal and enlightened 
views with regard to Parliamentary Eeform, Freedom of the 
Subject, and Catholic Emancipation, it is impossible not to re- 
probate his opposition to the war, and to deplore 
his lofty opinion of Napoleon. Modern histo- a^cfo^FoT"" 
rians al most unanimously agree that England ^nd Grenville. 
leould not have obtained peace at this time had 
she sued for it on her knees ; Fox himself was shortly to find 
out the true character of his hero ; while there is no doubt that 
Fox would have joined Pitt in carrying on the war, and drop- 
ping aU doubtful questions for the time if the king would have 
admitted bi m to the Cabinet. As it was, the refusal of Gren- 

z 



338 Second Ministr y of Pitt, 



ville, the hostility of Fox, and the opposition of Addington left 
Pitt with only a narrow majority instead of the strong national 
Government he had projected. 

In spite, however, of the activity and strength of the Opposi- 
tion, Pitt proceeded to take vigorous measures for national 

defence ; for in the face of the loud din of pre- 
I^eT^''^ "'^^" parations along the coast of France it would 

have heen suicidal to have waited the event. 
Large additions were made to the army and na-^y. The con- 
fidence of the people was aroused by judicious measures for 
internal defence, which were more valuable, perhaps, from the 
enthusiasm they excited than any actual value in themselves. 
Diplomatic negotiations were opened for the formation of a 
Third Coalition. ' "^ 

In this Pitt was really considerably aided by Napoleon him- 
self, and it seems probable that he would have had some diffi- 
culty in concluding alliances with the Continental Powers for a 
new war had not Napoleon alarmed Europe by fresh aggressions.' 

He had followed up the English declaration of 
Formation of ^^^ ^^^ seizing Hanover in spite of the protests, 
1805. * ^^ Prussia. He took advantage of an abortive 

royalist conspiracy to assume the title of Emperor 
of the French. He ordered the abduction of the Due d'Enghien 
from the neutral territory of Baden and had him shot ;— appa- 
rently because he was the only Bourbon within reach. He 
declared himself King of Italy, and annexed the Liguriari 
Eepublic (Genoa) and Lucca to the Italian crown. These 
aggressions were too much for the haughty Czar. The refusal 
of England to give up Malta was a trifle compared to these 
enormous annexations. A Coalition was therefore entered intd 
by England, Austria, and Kussia for the prosecution of the war,- 
1805. 

England meanwhile had pursued the war single-handed, anti 
. with very little success. Lord Wellesley had 
England!^^ ^ foiled !N"apoleon's plan for arousing French influ- 
ence in India by means of the Mahrattas, and 
had secured the whole seaboard of India.. The fleet had 
seized four Spanish treasure-ships. . But all attempts to destroy 
the vast flotilla which Napoleon was preparing had failed, and 
the threat of invasion was still in active vitality. 

The last years of Pitt were clouded by disaster and humilia-! 
tion, — a sad ending for the great Minister who, whatever miglif 



*' Sic transft Gloria'' ' 339 



"be his faults, had certainly saved England in the hour of darkest 
danger by his determined courage and patriotism. He was 
deserted by his former friend, Addington, and his relation, 
Grenville. He saw his oldest comrade, Lord Melville (Dundas), 
-successfully censured in Parliament for misapplying the funds 
of his department, the Admiralty. And though his declining 
clays were cheered by the great triumph of Trafalgar, he lived 
long enough to see thick clouds gathering round the fortunes of 
Europe, and to feel the ruin of all his labours in the crushing 
disaster of Austerlitz. Austerlitz killed Pitt. ^^ . . . 
"Koll that up," moaned the dying minister, January 23"' 
pointing to the map of Europe, " it will not be 18O6. * 
wanted for many a day.'' He never rallied again. 
Heart-broken, emaciated, the shadow of his former self, he lin- 
gered on till the 23rd of January, 1806, and died. With him 
seemed to perish all the hopes, the enthusiasm, the daring of 
the nation. 



z 2 



340 



The Argument, 



'S 



iSoofe X.— FINAL STRUGGLE BETWEEN 
ENGLAND AND FRANCE, 1803-15. 



CHAPTER L 



THE ARGUMENT. 



This war of 1803-15 must be regarded as the Epilogue to the 
great struggle of the eighteenth century between England and 
France for the supremacy of the seas and New World. It 
therefore forms a j&tting climax to our history. The great duel 
had begun during the Jenkins' Ear War, in consequence of 
the secret connection between Erance and Spain, and their 
mutual desire to limit the expansion of English commerce, 
which was being effected chiefly at the expense of the Spanish 

monopoly of the trade with South America. The 
Retrospect ol question was whoUy undecided at the end of the 
century TirstAct— the Peace of Aix-la-ChapeUe, 1748; 

— for if England had gained some successes in 
America and on the seas, the balance of victory was strongly in 
favour of France in India. The Second Act, — the period be- 
tween 1748-63, which includes what is commonly known as 
the Seven Years' War, — proved a decided triumph for England. 
America and India became hers entirely ; the French and Spanish 
marine was almost exterminated ; England might well claim the 
proud title of Mistress of the 8eas, Then came the Third Act 
with the moral. Mismanagement in government led to the 
revolt of the American Colonies, and France seized eagerly the 
opportunity for revenge. It came, but not in the form expected. 
America became independent by the help of France, but from 
that independence France derived absolutely no benefit. She 



<( 



The Wormwood Star J" 341 






was unable to recover her lost maritime power. She found her 
influence more effectually excluded from India than ever. 
America, after an interval of dislike and distrust, leant more 
decidedly to England than to France. England herself learnt 
from the war the great secret how to retain the rest of her 
Colonial Empire ; — by allowing them to govern themselves as 
much as possible, and by interfering as little as possible. 

The dream of a Colonial Empire still, however, remained dear 
to Erenchmen. Xapoleon especially was dazzled by this glitter- 
ing chimera. In early life he had been strongly attracted to 
India and the golden visions to which she gave . 

rise. It is said that he even contemplated enter- breams of 
ing the service of the East India Company. Later, Napoleon, 
as the victorious instrument of the Revolution, 
he formed the gigantic plan of wresting from England the whole 
of her colonies, and reviving once more the maritime greatness 
of France. This plan he adhered to resolutely all through his 
extraordinary career of power. It was this which made him 
regard England as the arch-enemy of France who must be 
crushed at any price ; which envenomed the bitterness which 
smote to his heart at the news of the victory of Trafalgar ; and 
which prompted his acts of aggression against Denmark, Spain, 
and Portugal. The Continental System was the actual brainless 
exponent of his views ; the mad ravings, as it were, of a chained 
lunatic who sees his enemy just outside his reach, and rages 
against him with impotent animal fury. But a far more states- 
manlike scheme than any contained in his preposterous decrees 
lay hidden under his attacks on Spain and Portugal They were 

the only colonial powers besides England. He ___ ^„„„;«„ 
\. J i i li. ♦ £ j.r. 4. True meaning 

hoped to get complete possession oi the vast ^^ ^-^e war. 

• Spanish and Portuguese colonies in America, 
India, and Africa, and thus begin again the Inter-colonial Wars 
in which England had hitherto proved victorious. He hoped 
to seize the Portuguese fleet as well, which would serve as a 
nucleus for a new Imperial navy. It was therefore necessary 
for him to get the entire control of the two countries ; he could 
no longer be satisfied with their dependence. This vast scheme, 
however, was too vast for his resources. His calculations, more- 
over, entirely failed. Hitherto he had not found it necessary to 
include the nation as a factor in the resistance of continental 
Powers. He did not therefore take the nation into account in 
Spain. This, as it happened, was a mistake, and this error ruined 



342 ' • The Argument, 



^ the whole sum. He could not conquer Spain ; he overran Por- 
tugal, but he lost both her fleet and her colonies ; he found 
himself in Spain in the position of an army of occupation. He 
acquired no influence over the State, the people, or the depen- 
dencies. Even when his brother was crowned in Madrid he 
had not as many subjects, in the proper sense of the word, as the 
most insignificant parish possessed inhabitants. The call to arms 
rang out from every village steeple through the length and 
breadth of the peninsula. In every valley the voice of the 
priest resounded summoning all to the Holy War against the in- 
vader, the regicide, the blasphemer, and denouncing the terrors 
of eternal damnation on the head of the traitor, the accursed 
one, the worse than infidel, who refused to go with his compa- 
nions. The whole nation rushed to arms in a frenzy of religious 
and patriotic enthusiasm. They found themselves invincible, 
though hardly ever victorious. Beaten again and again, and 
driven like mist before the east wind, they soon reassembled, 
gathering ever closer round the French armies like the storm- 
clouds on their own mountains. !N'apoleon found himself beset 
by a huge portentous Shadow of unknown form and dimensions 
on which his heaviest blows produced no impression, and which 
(as in Bulwer Lytton's legend) grew ever vaster and darker till 
it filled the whole air and crushed the breath out of its oppo- 
nent. 
The Peninsular War, therefore, must be regarded as the closing 
scene in the afterpiece to the great drama of 
the eighteenth century, and the curtain falls 
on the stirring tableau of Waterloo. 



^ 1^ t^ 1*^ 



The Triumph''. 343 









CHAPTEE II. 

THE NAPOLEONIC WARS, 1805-14. 

SecUm \.—The Third Goalition, 1805^7. 

By September, 1805, the Coalition was practically formed between 
England, Austria, and Kussia. Prussia weakly preferred to 
remain neutral. 

Napoleon bad for some time been making vast preparations 
for the invasion of England. In order to effect this it was abso- 
lutely necessary that the Toulon and Brest fleets should unite 
..and appear in the Straits of Dover to cover the passage of an 
enormous flotilla of flat-bottomed boats, in which he intended to 
transport the army of invasion across the Channel. Admiral 
Cornwallis, however, was keeping up a close blockade of Brest ; 
^and, though the Toulon fleet succeeded in getting 
,through the Straits of Gibraltar, they were chased ?^il^® of the 
all over the Atlantic by different squadrons, and JgQg ^° ^ ^^' 
.finally caught off Cape Finisterre by Admiral 
Calder. There they were so roughly handled that the French 
Admiral, ViUeneuve, decided not to risk the long northern voy- 
age amid the swarming ships of the English, and retired to 
. Cadiz. This practically ended the invasion plan, and Napoleon, 
.recognizing the impossibility of carrying it out without the fleet, 
.drew off the army for an attack on Germany. 
, A huge army of 200,000 men in different detachments was 
.poured across the Ehine. A great victory at Ulm enabled Na- 
poleon to march straight on Vienna. In Decem- ♦• f 
bar he finally defeated the armies of Austria at ^^gtria 1805. 
Austerlitz in Moravia, and compelled that Power ^ 
to conclude the Peace of Presburg, by which she surrendered all 
ier claims on Germany and Italy. Napoleon now proceeded to 
iorganize Holland and Naples as kingdoms for his brothers ; 



344 The Napoleonic Wars. 






various provinces of Germany as principalities for his other rela- 
tions and marshals ; finally a Confederation of the Khine, which 
was to include all the dependent Powers of Germany under 
French protection, among others Baden, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, 
and Hesse-Darmstadt. 

But in the month of October, when ISTapoleon was marching 
in triumph down the Danube valley, a great naval victory had 

entirely destroyed the few remnants of the French 
Destruction of niarine. On the 21st, :t^elson, with twenty-seven 
marSri805 ^^W^ ^^d encountered YiUeneuve with thirty- 
' ' three off Cape Trafalgar. The English advanced 
with the wind in their favour, broke through the French line, 
and after a desperate encounter, eighteen of the enemy surren- 
dered. The victory was marred by the death of the heroic 
Admiral, who was shot by the French riflemen from the tops 
when his ship grappled with the foe. He lived long enough to 
hear of the complete victory, and died thanking God that he 
had done his duty. 

The accession of Fox to the Foreign Office, 1806, on the 
death of Pitt, was naturally followed by overtures 
Fox's fai ure. ^^^ peace. Napoleon, however, would only have 
peace on his own terms, and, as they were so humiliating that 
the Czar indignantly refused to listen to them, preparations were 
made for a fresh campaign. 

A series of studied insults had roused the popular anger in 

Prussia, and obliged the king to declare war on France. The 

. result, however, was scarcely commensurate with 

Daiffn^ 1806 ' ^^® bombast which had accompanied the declarar 

tion. The victories of Auerstadt and Jena gave 
Napoleon possession of the whole country, and so elated him that 
he thought the hour had come for destroying the commerce of 
his great rival, England. 

He was highly indignant that England had presumed to 
blockade the mouths of the Prussian rivers, though this was 
only in retaliation for his having compelled Prussia to close them 

against English traffic. He now issued the 
The Conti- Berlin Decree, by which he declared the whole of 

System 1806 • ^^^ British Isles under blockade, forbade any inter- 
course between his Empire or dependent States 
and England, and confiscated all English merchandise found any- 
where. This was what is called the Continental System. The 
Decree was at once ridiculous, unjust, and futile. Napoleon had 



"^ And the Vanity^'' 345 



not- a single ship at sea wherewitli to enforce the blockade of the 
British Isles. He could not get on at all without English com- 
modities, for his own army could only be clothed by means of 
English cloth and shod by English boots ; and his dominions 
.had an equal need of British goods. The Decree only injured 
his unfortunate subject states, who saw their property on land 
confiscated by ^N'apoleon's agents as contraband, and their com- 
merce ruined at sea by the retaliatory measures of England. 
The cUmax to the ajffair was that this absurd madman actually 
posed as the " Protector of the rights of neutral nations," much 
as mad Paul of Eussia had done in 1800, maintaining that the 
English had violated the law of nations by unduly . 
extending the right of blockade to whole lines of ^ ^ ^^ ^^®' 
coast, and threatening that the Continental System would be 
continued until England receded from these pretensions. The 
English Government in consequence issued retaliatory Orders in 
Council, 1807, declaring the whole of Napoleon's coast-line to 
be under blockade, granting reprisals against the commerce and 
marine of his dependent states, and forbidding the sale of ships 
by a belligerent to a neutral. The last of these was intended to 
check fictitious sales of French ships to neutrals, in order to 
enable them to trade under the neutral flag. The result of these 
measures was that America, the chief neutral nation, was the 
one which suffered most, and this, coupled with various special 
grievances of her own, produced such ill-will between the two 
nations that it eventually resulted in a war. 

Napoleon had now to deal with the dogged bravery of the 
Russians and the great physical difiiculties of the country. His 
men, his baggage, and artillery, were half drowned in mud, and 
a great deal of materiel lost. Therefore, though he won the 
battles of Pnltusk, Eylau, and Friedland ; yet the obstacles 
were so great, the Russians fought with so much j.^--^^^ ^am- 
fury, and there was such a frightful butchery on paign, 1807. 
both sides, that reaUy Napoleon can only be said 
to have been victorious because he retained the ground and the 
Eussians retreated. The Russians were fighting for their coun- 
try and were inspired. with national feeling; whereas hitherto 
Napoleon had only encountered armies of miserable serfs who 
were driven to battle by the stick and commanded by their 
natural enemies, the nobles. The Austrian and Prussian monar- 
chies had been overthrown in a couple of battles apiece. But 
these three terrific contests had not produced the slightest effect 



346 The NAPOLEONid Wars, 

on the Kussians. Napoleon, in fact, had now come in contact 
with a new power, which he had only dimly felt as yet in his 
contests with England, and had hardl}'' realized, owing to the 
maritime nature of that struggle. This new power was the 
principle of natio?iality, and it was destined to prove fatal to his 
ascendency. 

England, however, under the Grenville Ministry was pur- 
suing a very narrow course in the conduct of the war. They 

did not understand that in Eussia Napoleon had 

policy I8O7" ^^ ^^^^ come in contact with the power which 

would eventually destroy him. They therefore 
declined to furnish any assistance to Eussia, and confined them- 
selves to four ridiculous disconnected expeditions. A fleet was' 
sent to the Dardanelles to compel Turkey to give up her friend- 
ship with France. It met with no success, and had to run the 
gauntlet of the batteries along the coast on its return. Squad- 
rons were sent to capture Buenos Ay res and Alexandria with 
little result but disgrace. A few regiments were landed in 
Naples and routed the French at Maida, but were forced even- 
tually to evacuate the country. 

This selfishness and incompetency combined were enough to 
Partition of <iisgust any ally ; and so Alexander determined to 
Europe, 1807. come to terms with Napoleon, and eJBfect an ami- 
cable partition of power. Peace was concluded 
at Tilsitt, July, 1807, by which Prussia was deprived of all its 
provinces west of the Elbe and in Poland ; all Napoleon's sub- 
ject states were recognized; a Grand Duchy of Warsaw created 
out of the Prussian Polish provinces ; and finally it was agreed 
that all the hitherto unsubdued principalities in Europe were to 
be compelled to make common cause with the allies against 
England. Thus was laid the foundation of tbe Peninsular War. 

Fortunately England was now under a more capal^le Minis- 
try. Canning, the Foreign Minister, received notice that the 
ships of Denmark and Portugal were to be used against 
England. A squadron was therefore sent to the Baltic, which 
f th ®^^^^^®d ^^^ surrender of the Danish fleet by 
Danish fleet, ^ bombarding Copenhagen. There is no doubt that 
1807. * ^^is appears an unjustifiable aggression on a small 

neutral state. But all the ordinary rules of war 
had long been out of force ; and the existence of the secret 
articles of the treaty proves that it was really a matter in 
which the security of England was at stake. 



'* The Rapture of the Strife'' 347 



Foiled with regard to Denmark, IS'apoleon was only the more 
firmly determined to compel Portugal to adhere tp the Conti- 
nental System. 

•* * 

i 
«. 

Section 2. — The Peninsular War, 1807-14. 

Napoleon now proceeded to put in force his schemes against 
England by effecting the annexation of Spain and Portugal. 
By a detestable mixture of force and fraud he succeeded in 
establishing his brother Joseph on the Spanish 
throne, June, 1807, dnd in occupying the whole rising ^1807 
of Portugal by the end of JSToTember. The ^ 
Spaniards, however, are notorious for their loyalty and their 
national hatred of foreigners. They therefore rose in insurrec- 
tion all over the country ; and though they were usually de- 
feated in battle, they contrived to maintain a guerilla warfare 
of incalculable difficulty and damage to the French armies. 

The English Ministry determined to avail themselves of 
this outburst of national feeling in Spain to carry on the war 
more vigorously against JS'apoleon. The surrender of a French 
army at Baylen to the insurgents, and the exaggerations of 
the envoys serit by them to demand assistance, 
no doubt encouraged the Ministry into a far Character and 
higher belief in the courage and capacity of the war^^^ ° 
" the gallant and patriotic Spaniard " than was 
actually justified by the conduct of that gallant individual. 
At the same time England had now at last entered on the 
right course. The military despotism of Napoleon must triumph 
over any other despotism because it was more purely military, 
more perfectly organized. The principle of nationality in 
England and Kussia had alone contended against it with any 
degree of success. It was the mission of England to encourage 
and support this principle of nationality, which had burst into 
indignant revolt against Napoleon's tyranny, in order to fur- 
nish to the nations of Central Europe an example which 
might teach them how to rend away the chains which galled 
them. It is this which lends interest to the long campaigns of 
the Peninsular War, which is otherwise but a miserable, pain- 
ful record of the genius of Wellington and the courage of 
his soldiers, checked, curbed, and thwarted at every step by the 
incompetency of the Home Government and the cowardice of 
the "gallant Spaniard." 



348 The Napoleonic Wars, 

The early expeditions of Wellington and Moore are but a 

tale of wasted hopes and misplaced efforts. The victories of 

the troops were neutralized by the folly of the Ministers. 

, Their scanty numbers were obliged to retreat 

1808^ ^^^' before the huge armies which Napoleon poured 

into the country. The Ministry even determined 
to abandon the Spaniards to what seemed their inevitable fate, 
preferring to waste their forces in disconnected and useless 
expeditions to different parts of the world, which produced 
absolutely no result whatever. During the early years of the war 
Wellington acted at his own risk, and under every discourage- 
ment from home ; and it was solely due to his courage and 
genius that this important movement was continued. The his- 
tory of the Peninsular War therefore really begins when Sir 
Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke of Wellington) arrived in 
Portugal, April, 1809, to take the command of the English 
forces. 

The outbreak of a fresh war with Austria had drawn off a 
large proportion of French troops. Therefore at the time 
when Napoleon was once more crushing the resistance of the 

Austrian Empire in the campaign of Eckmiihl 
1809*^^^^ ^ ^^^ Wagram, and when Lord Chatham and his 

men were dying uselessly in the swamps of 
Walcheren, victims to the folly of the Government and the 
incapacity of their General, Wellesley succeeded in driving 
Marshal Soult out of Portugal, marched straight on Madrid, 
and defeated the forces of King Joseph and Marshal Victor at 
Talavera. 

In 1810, however, Napoleon, flushed with triumph, came 
back from Austria, and poured his enormous army through the 
passes of the Pyrenees into Spain. Early in the spring the 
immense pressure of the Imperial main forces was felt in the 
increased activity of the French divisions in various parts of the 
country. The whole was gradually converging on Portugal. 
All through the winter Wellington had employed his army in 
g . q£ fortifying a triangle of land between the estuary 
1810. ^^ ^^ Tagus and the sea. The base of the tri- 

angle was formed by a triple line of almost 
impregnable fortifications, which his small force could defend 
against millions so long as the English retained the command of 
the sea. 

Against these lines of Torres Vedras Massena with 60,000 



" The Victor overthrown,^'' 



349 



men dashed himself again and again, until at last, dispirited and 
half -starved, he drew off his forces in November. 

In 1811 Wellington saUied from his lair. The year, however, 
was productive of Kttle but discouragement. The victories of 
Albuera and Fuentes D'Onoro were followed 
by absolutely no result. At the end of the year \^\\^ 
Wellington was obliged to retire once more to 
' Portugal, and the French surged threateningly up to the very 
gates of the country. The one gleam .of hope shone from the^ 
north. The rumours of a Russian campaign were already be- 
ginning to fill the air, and it could be seen that !N^apoleon would 
be obliged to draw off a large portion of his forces in conse- 
quence. At the same time there was no certainty in anything, 
and the year closed in gloom and bitter disappointment. 

In 1812 Wellington struck out hard in two directions. 
Badajos and Ciudad Rodrigo were taken by ^'S- « • f 
sault, and this opened the road to Spain. The \f^\<i, 
victory of Salamanca was followed by a straight 
march right up to Burgos, where once more he was obliged to 
retreat to Portugal owing to want of proper siege-artillery. 

In 1813 the French forces were so considerably weakened by 
the withdrawal of large bodies of men for the Russian War 
that Wellington was able to march across Spain, rout Soult at 
Vittoria and in the passes of the Pyrenees, and pour his forces 
into the south of France. In spite, however, of j,^^ ^^ ^^^ 
the effect which must have been exercised on him ^^r, 1814. 
by the disastrous termination of the Russian 
campaign and the great defeat inflicted on l^apoleon at Leipsic, 
Soult maintained the war with the greatest gallantry until the 
abdication of his master, 1814. 



--P 






350 Home Affairs, .^. 



a-ijAf* 




■/' .1 •'/&..%"'. ^ 







■ -0' 



CHAPTEK IIL ; ■ .- 

:• HOME AFFAIRS, 1806-12. ; r^' ' 

Section 1. — Minidy^y of all the Talents, 1806-7. 

With Pitt fell his Cabinet, which had depended solely on him. 
It became necessary to form a Coalition Ministry on a broad 
and national basis in order to carry on the Government at all. 

The king tried to continue the old Ministry under 
The inis ry. j^^-^^ Hawkesbury, but the latter refused to under- 
take the responsibility. George was therefore obliged to sum- 
mon Lord Grenville, and as the latter refused to come in with- 
out Fox, to permit his hete-noir to be included in the Ministry. 
Addington, Spencer, and Windham were also taken in. Pox 
assumed the control of the Foreign Office, with the view of 
carrying out the peace policy which he imagined that Napoleon 
would assent to so readily. 

This Ministry is remarkable solely for its mistakes, and is to 
be remembered chiefly for the death of Fox and the abolition 
of the slave-trade. Pox was now destined at the close of his 
D th f F career to be disillusioned with regard to ]N"apo- 

Sept. 13, 1806. ^^^^- ^^ ^^ ^^^^ thoroughly realized the in- 
sincerity of his hero. He declared that he was 
convinced now that there had never been a moment when 
the French really desired peace, or when England could have 
honourably concluded it, and he died amid the unutterable sad- 
ness caused by the consciousness of an almost wholly wasted 
life. Yet in spite of his numerous faults, so large-hearted was 
he, so irresistibly fascinating to all who came in close contact 
with him, that even the king, who had hated him as he never 
hated any other man before or after, was heard to remark some 
time after the death of Pox that he never could have imagined 
that he would regret Mr. Pox so much. 



(• '- 



All the Blunders. 351 



' ^ The second great object of Fox's life he succeeded in attain- 
ing before his death; — this was the abolition of the slave-trade.' 
For more than thirty years the question had been before the 
country, and a vigorous agitation had been con- 
ducted by Clarkson, Wilberforce, and Fox. Pitt Abolition of 
was quite at one with them on this question, and *^® slave- 
had brought forward motions on the subject. ^^*^«' l^^^- 
The House of Lords, however, rejected all 
measures of this description during the Eevolutionary War, 
under the influence of the Anti- Jacobin feeling. It was reserved 
for Fox to succeed in carrying a Bill inflicting heavy pecuniary 

punishments on the traffic in slaves. And yet this measure 

the sole fruit of Fox's statesmanship — was wholly inadequate ; 
nor wag it till the slave-trade was made felony in 1811 that its 
final extinction was secured. 

The remaining acts of the Ministry were blunders. They 
appointed Lord Ellenborough, the Lord Chief Justice, to a seat 
in the Cabinet, though obviously such a position is incompatible 
with the performance of high judicial functions. Their financial 
system was a failure. They carried on the war 
so as to alienate their allies and to cover them- i^nders. 
selves with humiliation. Finally, they insisted on bringing 
forward a measure for the relief of the Catholics, though there 
was not the slightest hope of carrying it, and it could only cause 
a disruption of the Government. They appeared to be deficient 
both in foresight and management; and to act not as though 
they wished to succeed, but merely desired to show that they 
would not be dictated to even by public opinion. The measure 
itself, which would have admitted the Catholics to the army, 
was a wise one, and would have removed an undoubted griev- 
ance. The king and the Pittites were determined to oppose it, 
and so the Ministry agreed to drop the question under protest 
George insisted on their withdrawing the protest, 
and as this was refused he dismissed them. The blunder* ^^ 
only explanation of the withdrawal of the question 
must be their certainty of defeat and desire to remain in office. 
And yet these men had censured Pitt for abandoning the Catholics 
in 1801. This then was the final triumph of George III. He 
had successfully dismissed this Ministry; he had maintained 
the principle that every Ministry is bound to withdraw any pro- 
ject displeasing to the king. These principles were totally in- 
consistent with Constitutional Government^ and they indirectly 



352 ' Home Affairs. 



precipitated Eeform by rendering it absolutely necessary in 
order to curb the royal influence. 

* 

Bedion 2.-— The Portland Mmistry, 1807-9. 

The Duke of Portland's sole claims to form a Ministry were 
his high rank, and the length of his previous services. His 
talents were never very great, and they were weakened by age 
and disease. The real leader was Mr. Perceval, the Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, a dexterous debater and a patriotic statesman. 

This Grovernment, being formed on the closest 
Weakness. rj^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^-^^ king's influence, was 

pledged to pursue a retrograde policy and to oppose all measures 
of Eeform. The one really high-minded statesman in the 
Cabinet was Canning, the Foreign Minister. His advanced 
views, however, continually brought him into collision with 
Castlereagh, the War Minister, a man of much inferior 'talents 
and the narrowest Tory views. Quarrels inevitably arose be- 
tween the two, and there was no real Prime Minister to hold 

them strongly under control. Canning's liberal 
ties. ideas led him to admire the national rising of 
the Spaniards, and to desire that they should work out their 
freedom mainly by their own efforts. He therefore disapproved 
of investing "Wellington with the unlimited power which the 
latter really required ; he preferred that England should, act 
rather as the instrument of the Spanish Junto, which his vivid 
fancy transformed into a " free Constitutional Grovernment," 
instead of the base, cowardly, selfish reality. Castlereagh, how- 
ever, not approving of national and constitutional 
Quarrel outbreaks, preferred to carry on the war by means 

between q£ miserable expeditions to the coast of the 

Castlereagh. French Empire, like that of Walcheren, which 

were productive of nothing but vast expense and 
disgrace ; while he wholly starved the war in the Peninsula. 

At last the ill-feeling ended in a duel, which was followed 
by a mutual resignation on the ground that neither could serve 
with the other. This was followed by the resignation of Port- 
land, who felt himself wholly unequal to the arduous task of 
managing the Ministry any longer. 

Section 3. — The Perceval Ministry, 1809-12. 
The leadership now devolved on Perceval, who found himself 



I ;';\ Tory Ministries. 353 



in an apparently hopeless condition. His only supporters were Lords 
Liverpool, Eldon, Pahnerston, and "Wellesley. ]N'eitlier Canning, 
Castlereagh, nor Sidmonth (Addington) would join him. The 
miserahle expedition to Walcheren had just ended in ignominy. 
The campaign in the Peninsula was regarded as 
a chimerical enterprise, got up mainly for the ^^^^^^^^s. 
benefit of a Tory commander. Certainly the most capable man 
in the Cabinet was Lord Wellesley, the Foreign Minister, but 
he was continually thwarted by the incapable men he had to 
deal with. However, as long as he remained at the Foreign 
Office, he supported the Peninsular War with vigour, and enabled 
his brother to carry out more effectually his plans with regard to 
the defence of Portugal. 

In November, 1810, the king was again seized with insanity, 
nor did he ever recover the use of his faculties during the rest 
of his life. The Ministry determined to bring forward Pitt's 
old BiU of 1788 in a somewhat more modified form, February, 
1811. The Prince of Wales requested Grey and 
Grenville to criticize this, but, regarding their ®^®^ ^* 
reply as lukewarm, he began to entertain an ill-will for them. 
At this moment the judicious flattery of his family brought 
him over from the Whigs, and he decided to continue Per- 
ceval in office. Wellesley however, took the opportunity to 
resign, and was succeeded by Castlereagh, February, 1812. 

In May Perceval was assassinated by Mr. 
Bellingham, a lunatic, and his Ministry at once Assassinatioii 

feU to pieces. 1812^^*^^^* * 

During this period the agitation for Reform 
was once more revived by the Radical party under Sir Francis 
Burdett, who became identified with the question. This 
was really unfortunate. The question had been obscured 
enough as it was by the violence of the early Radicals of the 
Revolutionary period. Burdett took the matter j. ^^j^^ 
up in the same aggressive spirit, and practically 
Tuined all chance of success. Radicalism, moreover, was rapidly 
becoming synonymous with Luddite or machine- breaking riots, 
and the very orators who encouraged the people to these out- 
rages were also loudest in their demands for a thorough Reform 
of Parliament. It is not strange, therefore, when the cause 
was conducted with such singular indiscretion both in and out 
of Parliament, that the prejudice and fear with regard to the 
question should not have abated. On the contrary, however, a 

A a 



354 Home Affairs. 



feeling was gradually arising in the House of Commons in favour 

of Catholic Eelief, which, no doubt, was aided by 
relief. ' ^^® insanity of the king. Many members, who 

had held themselves bound by Pitt's promise not 
to bring the question on for fear of reviving George's malady, 
felt themselves jDractically freed by the consideration that their 
votes could not noiv exercise the slightest influence on the poor 
old king's health. The subject had been deferred mainly out 
of respect for George's prejudices, which all beheved to be 
sincere ; but no one would have believed in any statement of 
religious scruples on the part of the Prince Regent. There was, 
therefore, no longer any reason for delaying the removal of the 
disabling laws. It was a feeling of this kind which rendered it 
necessary for the next Ministry, as the condition of its existence, 
to remove Catholic Eelief from the number of the points on 
which their continuance in office depended. 

i 

Section 4. — War with America, 1812, 1813. 

The Orders in Council of 1807 had produced a great deal of 
irritation in America, and this was increased by two other 
grievances. By the then existing law an Englishmaii could not 
throw off his nationality. The English therefore were in the 
. . , habit of searching American ships and seizing 
Amer^ica.^^ as deserters all English sailors found on board. 

The Americans, moreover, were in the habit of 
using various kinds of fraud in order to enable them to success- 
fully break the neutrality laws, which forbade neutrals to export 
the commerce of a belligerent colony to that colony's mother 
country. These frauds had been discovered, and the EngHsh 
in consequence seized all ships employed in this trade. 

America in revenge laid an embargo on English trade, thus 
doing England incalculable harm. An attempt was made to 
American arrange matters in 1809, but it altogether failed, 

revenge. ^^^ Southern States suffered greatly, owing to the 

loss of one of the largest markets for tobacco ; and 
though the North was inclined for peace, the fire-eating popu- 
lation of Virginia and the Caroliuas forced the Government to 
declare war, May, 1812. 

It was a miserable war all through. The Americans iuvaded 
Tlie war. Canada, but had to retire quicker than they came. 

Our fleet blockaded the American coast, but, 



tVAJ^ tv/TH America, 



355 



. T^PTT^- 



strangely enough, was defeated in every encounter. An invasion 
of America met with better success, though it was stained by 
the wanton destruction of all public property, offices and build- 
ings, in the capital city of Washington. Various expeditions 
were carried out with varying success. In December, 1814, 
however, the war was ended by a Convention of Ghent, which 
practically left all the real points of dispute wholly unsettled. 



•tn ^ 



>.,:.'y--'f'' 



<■» 



■■•rr ■ ■ ■.■ 




A a 2 



356 The Resettlement of Europe, 



CHAPTEE lY. : 

THE KESETTLEMENT OF EUROPE, 1814, 1815. 

In 1812 !N"apoleon invaded Eussia with a vast army. The 
Enssians with extraordinary devotion retired slowly, disputing 
every inch of ground, until they had drawn him to Moscow. 

Then they closed in upon him, burnt him out, cut 
Mos^c^ow I8T2 off his supplies, and drove him headlong to the 
' ' frontier. A winter of extraordinary cold set in 
and added to the misery of this retreat, which ended in the total 
ruin of the French army. This was the signal for a general 
rising of nations, and fate at last came upon the great con- 
queror at the crushing defeat of Leipsic, October 16, 1813. 

The allied armies of Austria,Eussia, and Prussia then advanced 
upon France, and, after a vain attempt to negotiate with Na- 
poleon, crossed the frontier. In April Napoleon, 
Napoleon attacked on all sides and deserted by many of 

1814. ' ^^^ marshals, abdicated and consented to with- 

draw to the Isle of Elba, which was to be erected 
into a principality for him. 

It was now necessary to rearrange Europe, which had been 
turned completely topsy-turvy by Napoleon. The first question 

was the settlement of France. Prussia and 
Keconstitu- Austria were anxious to take vengeance on that 
France. country for the sins of Napoleon, and exact 

from her a territorial and pecuniary indemnity. 
England, however, was determined that France should be re- 
stored simply to her old limits of 1790, considering that a 
strong France was necessary to preserve the balance of power 
against the three eastern sovereignties. AH the Princes of 
Europe were agreed as to the re-establishment of the Bourbons, 
which, indeed, was only in accordance with the legitimist views 



\\ 



CoNCR&ss OF Vienna. 357 



of the time. Alexander of Eussia, however, who combined 
some strange ideas of philosophic liberalism, which he reserved 
for other states, with the despotic principles on which he 
governed his own, insisted that Louis XYIII. must grant a 
Charter of Liberties to the French. The important part which 
Eussia had played in the overthrow of Napoleon caused the 
allies to reluctantly assent to this proposal, which must have 
clashed strangely with the views of despotic sovereigns like 
Frederic William of Prussia, or reactionary Ministers like 
Castlereagh of England and Metternich of Austria. The result 
was the Treaty of Paris, May, 1814, which gave France the 
frontier of 1790, and in addition about half Savoy and some 
fortresses towards the Ehine. The only real loss she sustained 
was the Isle of France (Mauritius), which England insisted on 
retaining. 

The really difficult question was the rearrangement of the 
I'est of Europe, which was reserved for a Congress ^ « 

of the allied Powers, which met at Vienna, Sep- Vienna 1814. 
tember, 1814. This Congress was naturally re- 
actionary in its tendencies. The three despotic sovereigns 
regarded the French Eevolution and the Napoleonic Wars in 
the light of a storm which had swept over Europe, leaving be- 
hind it nothing but ruins. They did not understand the vast 
changes which had come over the people of Europe in conse- 
quence of the outburst of national feeling which had sprung 
from the reaction against Napoleon. They con- 
sidered that they had met to restore the old ^®^g^of tS 
despotic systems of government throughout powers. 
Europe, and to rearrange the dislocated provinces 
solely with regard to the personal views of the principal sove- 
reigns, without taking into consideration the newly-aroused 
principle of nationality. 

The interests of Eiigland were provided for by her retention 
of Malta, Ceylon, the Mauritius, and the Cape of Good Hope, 
which secured her road to India and her influence in the 
Mediterranean. She was also satisfied with the project of 
creating a strong kingdom of united HoUand and 
Belgium to guard the mouths of the great rivers ^^ J^n^ ^nd 
and thus prevent any renewal of the Continental France. 
System. France was only really anxious to 
procure the re-establishment of the Bourbons in Naples and 
Parma, and to prevent the annihilation of the kingdom of 



ti. r" 



* 



358 The Resettlement of Europe, 

Saxony. Both these countries could therefore enter on the real 
business of the Congress — the rearrangement of Eastern Europe i 
— with a larger ideal than the three Eastern Powers, who were 
directly interested in the question. England and Erance in- 
tended in fact to establish a balance of power in Germany ; 
but this was all — their rulers were no more desirous than the 
other Powers of satisfying the national aspirations of Germany, 
Poland, and Italy. 

Alexander of Russia, full of his philosophic liberalism, pro- 
posed to reconstitute the kingdom of Poland under his own rule, 
and give the Poles a liberal Constitution of the same type as that 

of France. The practical annexation of the whole 
Views ^^ . of Poland was what he really intended to effect 
Prussia. ^^ ^^ reward for his services to Europe ; and 

Austria and Prussia were expected to surrender 
the large provinces they had gained in the various partitions of 
Poland. In return Prussia was to receive the whole of 
Saxony, whose king was thus to be punished for his adherence , 
to Napoleon ; Austria was to be compensated with Lombardy 
a;nd Venice. To this scheme Prussia entirely consented. 
^ Austria, however, objected. She cared nothing for the re- 
storation of Poland ; she did not wish to be brought into such 
close contact with Kussia; she saw that the possession of 
Saxony would so consolidate and invigorate her old enemy, v 
_. - Prussia, as to give the latter a very fair chance of 

Austria. ousting her from the leadership of Germany. 

Austria, therefore, threw in her lot with England a 
and France against Russia and Prussia. A secret treaty was " 
entered into by the three Powers, and there seemed every 
prospect of a fresh war between the two confederations, when the 
news of the return of Napoleon from Elba restored temporary 
harmony. 

The allied armies, however, gathered but slowly in the 
Netherlands, and the inevitable delay gave Napoleon the 
opportunity of striking the first blow. He got between the 
English and Prussian armies, and succeeded in drivhig back the 
Prussians at Ligny. The English, however, held their ground, 
at ttuatre Bras, and this completely upset his plan. Both 
armies,, moreover, retired in almost parallel lines, instead of 
Waterloo opposite directions, as Napoleon had intended., 

campaign. When, therefore, Wellington took up his position 

1816. i : on the heights of Mont Saint Jean not far froin. 



^ c) 



The Holy Alliance^ - 359 



Waterloo, Blucher and his whole army were within little 
more than half a day's march of the position. From eio-ht 
clock m the morning of the 18th of June tiU four o'clock 
m the afternoon the English succeeded in maintaining their 
position, against aU the assaults of the French. Then the 
arrival of the Prussian army changed the defence into an 
attack, a pursuit, and finally a merciless slaughter all along the 
road to Paris. On the 7th of July the allied armies entered 
Paris. Towards the end of the month Napoleon surrendered 
to the English, and was sent to the island of St. Helena, an 
isolated rock in the Atlantic. 

The influence of England, which was increased by the 
•Waterloo campaign, enabled her now to take a prominent part 
in the proceedings at Yienna. She was able to secure the main- 
tenance of the principafeticles of the Treaty pre- 
viously agreed to, though naturally the other The Second 
Powers insisted on some punishment for the "Hun- ^ris^ig^s 
dred Days," as the :N'apoleonic revival is called. 
France was to be confined strictly to the limits of 1790 ; was to 
pay a war indemnity of 700,000,000 francs in five years, durmg 
which time her good conduct was to be insured by a joint army 
of occupation under the Duke of Wellington. This was the 
Second Treaty of Paris. 

The influence of England now succeeded in modifying the 
views of Kussia, and the resettlement of Europe was concluded 
as follows : — Prussia retained the greater portion 
of her Polish acquisitions, and so did Austria : the ^ii^al settle- 

Wt ATI ^ rf\^ 

rest was reconstituted into a kingdom under Eurone 1815 
Kussia. Prussia obtained about half Saxony and ' 

the Khenish provinces ; Austria obtained Venice and Lombardy ; 
the kingdom of the United Netherlands was definitely esta- 
blished ; and some other minor changes effected. 

On the 26th of September the final act of the drama was 
concluded by the formation of the Holy Alliance between 
Austria, Russia, and Prussia, for the government of their respec- 
tive countries on Christian principles, and mutual assistance for 
the protection of religion, peace, and justice. 
This rhodomontade, which was composed by the T^f-^°^^ 
Emperor Alexander, with the assistance of Mdme. gept. igig. 
Krudener, a beautiful enthusiast, who was on the 
most intimate terms with him, really meant that despotism should 
be guaranteed for the future against any revolutionary movements 



360 The Resettlement of Europe. , 

^ ' ■« 

by a combined intervention of all the Powers. This doctrine was ' 
very agreeable to Austria, Prussia, and France; it was also in, 
accordance with the private views of Castlereagh. It was im- 
possible, however, for him to face Parliament after signing 
such a treaty, and therefore he instructed the Duke of Welling- 
ton to decline. 



i I 



■ •■ V 



Tippoo Sultan, 361 



CHAPTEK V. 
INDIA, 1784—1810. 

Section 1. — Lord GornwalUs, 1784-93. 

Mr. Pitt's India Bill of 1784, enlarged and explained by two 
subsequent enactments, endeavoured to provide a remedy for 
the evils which had desolated India, by substi- p-4.t>ain^ia 
tuting a strong central Government for the divided j^j 3^734 
supremacy which Hastings had shared with his 
Council. Lord ComwaUis, the new Governor- General, was to 
have the power of overriding the opinion of the whole Council 
at his discretion, subject to an inquiry at home afterwards. 

The advantage of this was soon seen. Tippoo, Sultan of 
Mysore, not realizing the importance of this change, and not 
comprehending that he had now to deal with the forces of 
England herself as weU as those of the Company, 
provoked a Second Mysore War by wantonly ^^r 1790-9" 
attacking the Eajah of TravancoUe, an ally of ' 

England. Comwallis at once acted with the utmost vigour. He 
concluded an alliance with two native Powers, the Nizam and the 
Mahrattas, 1790 ; he despatched money and troops to the scene 
of action ; he ordered out both the Madras army and the Bombay 
army, in order to attack Tippoo on both- sides ; finally he took 
the command himself, in order to ensure due subordination in 
the various commanders. The result was that in a short time 
Tippoo surrendered, and agreed to cede large strips of terri- 
tory to the three aUies in 1792— the English obtaining the 
provinces of Dindigul, Baramahal, and Coimbatore on the east 
coast, Malabar and Coorg on the west. 

' Cornwallis's successor. Sir John Shore, however, entirely 
destroyed the effects of this decided action by adopting a weak, 
.colourless policy of non-intervention. The result was that 



■. .'•/'.' 



362 India. '^ 

Tippoo reformed his army, intrigued with the French Eevolu- 

tionary Government, and established a connec- 
Sir JoliJV tion with various French adventurers, who were 

vm! ^ command of companies of troops at the courts 

of some of the native princes, and who were all 
hostile to England. Finally he had the audacity to publish 
a proclamation at the Isle of France inviting volunteers to join 
him in an effort to ex;pd the English from India, 

Section %—Lord Wellesley, 1798—18.05. 

Lord Mornington (afterwards Lord Wellesley) heard of this 
insulting proclamation on his arrival, and also that Napoleon 

had started for Egypt with the avowed intention 
War^l799°^^ of proceeding thence to invade India. He there- 
' * fore acted with promptitude and vigour. Having 
in vain demanded of Tippoo an explanation of his conduct, he 
sent an army under General Harris into Mysore, February, 
1799. Seringapatam was taken after a short siege, Tippoo 
was killed in the assault, and the whole kingdom of Mysore 
and the sea-coast of Canara fell into the hands of the English. 

Lord Wellesley's policy in dealing with the native chiefs was 
known as the subsidiary system. He established English, in- 
fluence j obliged or persuaded the princes to enter into permanent 
treaties with the English ; to pay for the support of an army 

which was practically English in feeling ; and to 
The sudsidi- commit their military and foreign policy into the 
system. hands of an English resident. He thus intended 

to acquire a commanding influence through the 
whole of India, to expel all foreign adventurers, and gradually 
suppress all internal war. The system was a good and wise 
one, and was eventually adopted openly. But at first it pro- 
duced a great outcry, was strongly objected to by the Directors 
on account of the expense, and was fiercely denounced by the 
Opposition on the most unreasonable and frivolous grounds. 
The hostility, however, aroused against the system proved 
powerful enough to procure the recall of Wellesley as soon as a 
slight tinge of ill-success had darkened his otherwise triumphant 
career. 

' This was during the Mahratta Wars. The Mahrattas, being 
the most turbulent and powerful of the native states, WeUesley 
•made a great point of concluding a subsidiary alliance with 



\ 1 



Mahratta Wars, 363 



them. Dissensions among the chiefs enabled him to bind the 
PeishWa, or head of the confederation, by the Treaty of 
Bassein, 1802. The other chiefs, however, refused to agree to 
the treaty, and behaved in a very insulting manner to the 
English envoys. In consequence war was de- -,,, tw- t, 
clared against two of them, Scindiah and the warflSoX"* 
Kajah of Berar, 1802. A fourfold attack from the 
three presidencies was arranged. Arthur Wellesley (afterwards 
Wellington) encountered the forces of Scindiah at Assaye, 
1803, and inflicted a severe defeat on them. He followed this 
up by routing the Eajah of Eerar at Argaom. Meanwhile 
-General Lake had attacked and captured most of Scindiah's 
strong fortresses on the Jumna, and routed a large body of his 
troops at Laswaree, 1803. In consequence the Mahrattas sued 
for peace. Scindiah was obliged to surrender all his strong places 
in Upper India, and his sea-port of Baroach. The Eajah of 
Berar consented to cede the maritime district of Cuttack and 
certain of his southern provinces. Both Powers agreed to enter 
into relations with the English. WeUesley considered therefore 
that by obtaining the whole sea-coast of India he had completely , 
excluded French influence, while he had effectually crippled 
the principal Mahratta chieftains (1803). 

War, however, broke out again in 1804, owing to the maraud- 
ing propensities of Holkar, another Mahratta . , 
chief. This time the military arrangements were Holkar 1804. 
badly managed, and were marked with disaster. 
The beaten chieftains in consequence looked menacingly at 
the English. The Company became wild with terror. Wel-^ 
lesley was recalled, and Lord ComwaUis was sent out with in- 
structions to abandon as much as possible all 
connection with Scindiah, Holkar, and the princes Sir George 
of Upper India. The death of ComwaUis threw f^^^tlement, 
the government into the hands of Sir George i805; 
Barlow, a rather incompetent member of the 
Council, who carried out the orders of the Directors literally. 
He retired entirely from Upper India, gave up the subsidiary 
treaties with the princes, and abandoned the country to the 
tender mercies of Scindiah and Holkar, who, aided by the 
quarrelsome habits of their neighbours, gradually reduced 
Upper India to such a state of anarchy and bloodshed that it 
became positively necessary for the English to interfere, to pre- 
vent the contagion spreading to their own dominions. This 



364 India. 

disastrous termination of the Mahratta War planted the seeds of 
another contest. Our withdrawal from Upper India afforded an 
opportunity for the growth and maturity of a new predatory 
power — the Pindarees, a collection of brigands, disbanded 
soldiers, outlaws, outcasts of every kind, who formed almost a 
predatory state in the Vindhya Mountains. These freebooters, 

having exhausted the provinces of Central India, 
ilsUts*^*^^^^ poured down on the British territories, and it 

became necessary for the Government to expend 
vast sums in order to resist them in 1817. This expense might 
have been saved had the wise plans of Wellesley for controlling 
the turbulence of the Mahratta chiefs been continued to their 
legitimate end. One thing, however, Wellesley had accom- 
plished, which even Sir George Barlow could not undo. He 
had effectually excluded all fear of Napoleon's influence in 
India. 

Still, the two islands of France and Bourbon continued to be 
a thorn in the side of the English. Swarms of privateers 
swooped out of these harbours on the Company's trading ships, 
and swept the whole Indian Ocean from Madagascar to Java. 

Lord Wellesley had left notes and recommenda- 
Capture of the tions with regard to the capture of the islands;- 
1810 ^ ' ^^^ ^^® subject had been disregarded by the 

Directors. The nuisance, however, and positive 
loss became so great that in 1810 Lord Minto, Barlow's suc- 
cessor, sent a strong expedition, which effected the reduction of 
the islands. The Isle of France (Mauritius) was retained at the 
peace, 1815. 



George IK 365 



4 P 



EPILOGUE. 

GEORGE IV. 

^Regent 1810; King 1820-30.) 

Section 1. — George IV. 

George Augustus, the eldest son of George III., who styled 
himself " the Eirst Gentleman of Europe," conducted himself as 
a rule so as to rather deserve the title of " Premier Blackguard 
of Europe." He thought it an admirahle joke to make a Duke 
drunk. His language was usually such as would he highly 
suitahle to a stable. He was recklessly extra- 
vagant, and involved himself in serious difi&culties 
in consequence. In 1794 Parliament had to vote 650,000Z. to 
extinguish his debts. He proved himself utterly unscrupulous, 
and without a shadow of feeling. He fell in love with, and 
> married at an early age, a beautiful CathoHc widow, Mrs. Eitz- 
herbert. It was a question whether the marriage ^^^ y.^^_ 
was void by the Eoyal Marriage Act, or the herbert. " 
Prince had forfeited his claim to the throne under 
the provisions of the Act of Settlement. George got out of 
the difficulty by authorizing Fox to deny the marriage in Par- 
liament, and then disowning him afterwards, an expedient more 
worthy of a blackleg than a prince of the blood. Later in life , 
he was persuaded to abandon Mrs. Eitzherbert and marry 
Princess Caroline of Brunswick. Nemesis came upon him at 
last. The Princess was dirty and untidy in her habits, not 
, pretty in the least, and unpardonably careless in her behaviour, 
The '' Eirst Gentleman " behaved as might p^jj^gggg 
have been expected of him. He got drunk on Caroline, 
his wedding-night. Before nine months were 
over he decided to leave her altogether. He then set to 



366 George IK 



work to collect evidence against her which might serve as 
a ground for a divorce. He sent spies after her, and per- 
secuted her from country to Country. On his accession he com- 
pelled his Ministers to bring in a Bill of Pains and Penalties 
against her ; but so much public feeling was evoked in her 
behalf that the matter was abandoned. Nor was George's con- 
duct to his parents less remarkable for heartless brutality. 

^.,.1 J 4. A true Hanoverian, he consorted chiefly with his 
Filial conduct, r-^. , . '^ ,. ,y ,, 

father s enemies, and for some tmie nis greatest 

friend was Mr. Fox. A story is told, moreover, that during 

his father's illness his great amusement was to mimic the poor 

old king's contortions and ravings, to the great gratification of a 

choice circle of friends. 

Such was the man who assumed the nominal charge of the 

kincrdom under the provisions of the Kegency Act of 1811, 

Section l.—The Old Tory Government, 1812-22. 

After some fruitless negotiations with Lord "Wellesley and 
Mr. Canning, and then with Lords Grey and Grenville, the 

Prince Eegent entrusted Lord Liverpool with the 
^verpool ^^^y ^£ forming a Ministry. Lord Castlereagh 

became Foreign Secretary, Lord Sidmouth Home 
Secretary, Lord Eldon was continued at the Chancery, and 
Mr. Vansittart became Chancellor of the Exchequer. Catholic 
Eelief was made an open question, but otherwise the Ministry 
was on the closest Tory basis. 

Bobert Eanks Jenkinson, Earl of Liverpool, had passed the 
greater part of his life in the service of his country ; his remaining 

years were devoted to the management of the 
M'^"^\ government. He had had the good fortune tc 

Liverpool. ^^ ^^ ^^® Foreign Office when the Peace of 

Amiens had been concluded, and had therefore 
entitled himself to the gratitude of the country. He had also, 
as Foreign Minister, controlled the provision for the Peninsular 
campaigns, which were fraught with such important consequences. 
He was now Premier, and his premiership was destined to last 
•for fifteen years. Eut though his official career extended over 
a longer period than that of many of our greatest stjatesmen, 
Lord Liverpool by no means earned a title to be ranked among 
them. That his name is identified with many of the most im- 
portant events i-n the history of the world was more the result 



\ I 



The Tory Chiefs, 367 



of the merits of his subordinates than any surprising abilities of 
his own. He attained a respectable degree of success in almost 
everything he undertook ; but he never got beyond decorous 
mediocrity. He excited neither sympathy nor prejudice. When 
his colleagues, Eldon, Sidmouth, and Castlereagh, were vitupe- 
rated with the utmost virulence and loathing, strangely enough 
Liverpool, as a rule, escaped. Dante, no doubt, would have con- 
signed him after death to the Limbo of those who have not 
sufi&cient individuality in themselves to be either loved or hated. 
His Chancellor, Lord Eldon, on the contrary, undoubtedly 
left a most decided impress on the politics of the time ; and, 
as a rule, his influence was exercised in opposition to measures 
which have since, for the most part, proved in actual working 
both beneficial and invigorating to the Constitution. Por twenty- 
five years he filled the Chancery, and during the 
whole of his- career of office he violently resisted ^°^^ ,, 
all attempts at reforming the representative Ei^on. 
system, or removing the disabilities of the Koman 
Catholics. And yet he was a man of a peculiarly just tempera- 
ment \ the very reverse of bigoted in his religious opinions. 
By a similar contradiction he was in favour of retaining the 
punishment of death for many most trivial offences, though 
otherwise an extremely humane man. His ability, industry, 
loyalty, and honesty, were as remarkable as his good temper and 
■affectionate disposition. And yet undoubtedly during the 
latter part of his career he was one of the best hated men of 
his time. He has, moreover, deprived himseK entirely of the 
sympathy of posterity by his unremitting exertions against 
many useful and necessary reforms. 

Eobert Stewart, Lord Castlereagh, the Foreign Minister, played 
such an important part in Lord Liverpool's Cabinet . « 

that he was regarded all through as the real leader g g^^gf^^y 
of the Tory party. He became therefore the chief casUereagli ; 
subject of the abuse of his political opponents. He 
was regarded as the Great Dragon of the Apocalypse by the 
young revolutionary and atheistical party, of whom Shelley and 
Byron are the most prominent representatives. He was de 
signedly blackened with the foulest abuse by Eadical writers, 
like Cobbett, with the object of exciting the unreasoning 
passions of the mob against him. Not but that it is impossibL 
to approve of his policy now, or to deny that he committed 
many and great mistakes. His foreign policy was really based 



368 George IV. 



on false principles. He considered that peace was necessary to 
Europe, and that peace could only be obtained by strengthening 
the hands of the different Governments and repressing all con- 
stitutional outbreaks as provocative of the horrors which cul- 
minated in the Napoleonic Wars. He therefore wa^ strongly 
in sympathy with the views of the Holy Alliance, and though 
the House of Commons compelled him to abstain from com- 
mitting this country to a partnership in their policy, he stead- 
fastly refused to oppose them except by protest, which of course 
was disregarded. The result was that, in spite of the great 
^ triumphs of Wellington, England gradually declined in im- 
-;, portance in Europe during the six years after the Great War, 
which concluded the administrative career of Castlereagh. 

His views on home government were in striking accordance 
with his foreign policy. Like his chief and his colleagues, he 

was strongly opposed to any violent changes in 
^ews on ^^ Constitution, and to the impartial observer 

this might well seem justified by the excesses of 
the Radicals and the remembrance of the Jacobin Era. 

At the same time he is entirely acquitted from the charge of 
unenlightened opposition to the cause of progress by his con- 
duct with regard to Catholic Relief. With the echo of his 
promise in 1800 to the Irish no doubt in his ears, he steadily 
supported the movement in its favour ; and on this subject, and 
perhaps this alone, he was in complete sympathy with his 
rival Canning. 

The result, therefore, of the honest though mistaken belief 
of the Tory chiefs that strong government was the only alter- 
native to anarchy at the time, was, that repression at home and 
abroad, resistance to all popular ferments, all explosions of 
Revolutionary feeling, was to be the keynote of political govern- 
ment in England for many a long year. 

The great opponent of this Ministry was Lord Grey. Erom 

his first entrance into Parliament he had attached 

the Opposi-*^ himself to the cause of Reform. He had, sup- 

tion. ported Pitt's Reform Bill. Undeterred by the 

changed attitude of the Government, he had twice, 
in 1793 and 1797, brought forward Bills of his own f0r an 
alteration in the franchise. From that day his name was iden- 
tified with Reform. And yet he had sufficient insight to see 
that the time had not yet come. His father's death, which re- 
moved him to the unsympathetic atmosphere of the House of 



Grey and Canning, 369 



Lords, no doubt had a great deal to do with his wise determina 
tion to wait till a better time should come ; for at a time when the 
Commons were hostile, the people uninterested, and the king 
violently opposed to the topic, it is easy to conceive the chillino- 
silence with which proposals for Reform would have been lis^ 
tened to in the Lords. But it was Grey's good fortune that his 
hour of success at last came, that it was permitted to him to 
eventually carry into action that measure to the accomplishment 
of which he had devoted his life. 

Among the men of the Opposition the most brilliant was un- 
doubtedly George Canning. Educated at Eton 
and Oxford, his career was so successful that on ^^® future 
his entering public life each of the political Ml^sfer- 
parties made a direct bid for his assistance. He ' 

attached himself to Pitt, and became one of that generous band 
of youthful statesmen who devoted themselves with the most 
unquestioning obedience and reverence to the unswerving execu- 
tion of their leader's behests. He soon became renowned as an 
orator of the highest order, while he also did good service to his 
party with his pen. He followed Pitt's fortunes in 1801 ; and 
it was the bitterness of his attacks on Addington which formed 
one of the principal causes of the split in the Tory party. It 
was during the Portland Ministry that the germs of that quarrel 
with Castlereagh were sown which kept him so long in a 
subordinate position. The views of Caiming and his party 
are at this distance extremely difficult to understand. In some 
^ questions he showed himself as liberal as Grey and Lord John 
EusseU; in others his opinions coincided with that of Lord 
Liverpool's Government. He became one of the most strenuous 
advocates of religious freedom ; but to the very last he disap- 
proved entirely of Parliamentary Eeform. He was an able and 
active exponent of the blessings which would accrue to the 
country from the establishment of complete freedom of trade, 
Jly maintaining that therein lay the cure at 
for the distress existing in the country and ^^ ^^ ^^^* 
iolitical disturbances which had so alarmed the Ministry, 
foreign policy was drawn on broad and statesmanlike lines, 
rould have given up Castlereagh's system, which made Eng- - 
of no account among the Powers and placed the arrange- 
|t of Europe in the hands of the three Eastern Despotisms, 
rould have refused to join in any action to effect the 
Iction of constitutional ideas, which in many countries 

B b 




370 George IV. 



survived the failure of the hopes excited.by the French Revolu- 
tion. He would have interfered vigorously if British interests 
seemed to require it. He would have maintained the indepen- 
dence of the small states, and, by offering a bold front to all 
hostility, have preserved at once the liberty of the peoples and 
the peace of Europe. He advocated the principle of non-inter- 
vention, but he would not permit the intervention of others. 
His would have been the strong armed neutrality which inspires 
respect, because it can defend itself and its friends — -not a feeble 
withdrawal altogether from all connection with Europe for fear 
of the consequences. Ten years, however, were to elapse from 
the formation of Liverpool's Ministry before the brain of 
Canning was to guide the foreign relations of England. During 
those ten years the presiding genius of the Government was 
Castlereagh. 

It was this Ministry which conducted the American* War, 

which brought the Peninsular War to a successful 
the Ministry close, which effected the ruin of Napoleon in the 

Waterloo campaign, and which assisted at the 
settlement of Europe at the Congress of Vienna. Their success, 
however, was not due to any special merit in their own policy, 
but solely to the genius of their General and the errors of their 
opponent. Their steadfastness, which was their principal 
virtue, was mainly due to class feeling; they prosecuted the 
war with !N^apoleon because they saw in him the great enemy of 
aristocratic government and privilege. Still, they had raised 
England by this policy to a position of great importance in 
Europe ; they were destined by a course of feeble protest 
against and secret sympathy with the views of the despotic 
Powers to sink her once more to the position of a political 
cipher. 

J^or were lihey more successful in their home government. 
The war had been marked by a remarkable development of 
English trade. There were various reasons for this. Theggre- 
dominance of the British at sea had driven all enemies froniifMi 
ocean, and so removed most of the dangers to which comi 

is liable in war-time. The vast increase olSW 
o/manufac-^^^ colonies had extended the market immei 
.tures. while new outlets were repeatedly opene( 

among different savage nations. England, ^f^6o, 
in spite of the attempts of Napoleon to exclude her man 
tures, found an almost limitless demand for her goods throl 





Industrial. 371 



out Europe, wMcb facilitated the carrying on of a vast smuggling- 
trade along the coast of the North Sea and the Baltic. Napoleon 
himself wa-s obliged to connive at the evasion of his own laws 
in order to> clothe and shoe the army with which he dominated 
Europe. The result was that the exports of England steadily 
increased in valuB. The manufacturers grew richer and richer. 
A marve-Hous development was imparted to the national indus- 
tries. Small villages, whose names hitherto had been: entirely 
omitted from the map, suddenly grew into large manufacturing 
towns of ever-increasing importance. One of the principal 
causes which had enabled iEigland to take advantage of the 
market thus thrown open to her, was the remark- 
able series of mechanical inventions which had inventions, 
been discovered during the last quarter of a century. Har- 
greaves had invented the spinning jenny,, which enabled one 
man to work eight spindles at once. This machine was supple- 
. mented! by the improved patents of Arkwright and Crompton. 
The latter's imde' allowed the finest form of yarn to be spun to 
an indefinite quantity with but a slight amount of labour. In 
order to bring the weavers up' to the level of the spinners, Cart- 
wright ioivented the power-loom, which soon aluiost entirely 
superseded hand-weaving. The cotton manufactures were 
. addition'ally stimulated by the introduction of oxymuriatic acid 
for bleajching purposes, which was used by Watt and Henry, 
and by the invention of a machine for printing coloured calicoes, 
which was due to the ingenuity of a Scotchman named Bell. 
The application of steam to move machinery was in itself almost 
a revolution, while this discovery led to the utilization of the 
vast coal-fields of tha north. Mining was rendered less dan- 
gerous by Sir Humphrey Davy's safety-lamp. Koads were im- 
proved by the process of Macadam ; canals were . 
dug across the country by the energy of Brindley carriage, 
and the enlightenment of the Duke of Bridg- 
water ; a regular system of coaches was started. Altogether, 
.communication was improved, and carriage cheapened. Every- 
thing, therefore, was combining at once to increase production, 
and diminish the cost of production, at a time when the market 
itself was wonderfully extended 
I Similarly the landowners derived large profits from the war. 
\ .Corn naturally went up in price, owing to the increase of popu- 
' ■ lation and the protective laws, while many of the markets from 
' which com had been imported in scanty years before were now 
\ . B b 2 



572 George IV. 



silut by tlie war. The deraand, therefore, for arable land was 

Hiffh profits ^^^^ ^^®^^' ^^^^^^ ^®^® ^^^^ ^^^' ^^^ ^^^^ 
of Uudowners. "^^^^ naturally very high as well. It paid to en- 
close pieces of waste land and work them as much 
as they would bear without manure, and then leave them for 
others. The manufacturers, therefore, and landlords were 
naturally the main support of the war, from which they derived 
such enormous profits. 

At the same time a variety of causes were combining to pro- 
duce the greatest distress among the lower classes. Population 
had increased largely during the war, and this development was 
favoured by two circumstances, — first, a mistaken theory that 
an increase of population must necessarily be an advanta^^e 
to a country ; secondly, the landlords desired that population 

should advance numerically, in order that labour 
riricultu/al ^^^^* become cheap. The result was that the 
labourers. demand for bread was greatly enlarged, and that 

the class of labourers suffered an unfortunate 
multiplication. Naturally, therefore, prices rose and wages sank 
simultaneously. At the same time the Poor Law was so mani- 
pulated by the landowners as to increase the distress. The cruar- 
diahs possessed the power of providing out-door relief to those 
who needed it. The guardians were mostly landowners, and so 
they paid their labourers the lowest possible wages on the plea 
that prices were so high, and then levied a general rate on the 
parishes, to make up for their own meanness. This relief was 
moreover, granted in proportion to the numbers of a family, with 
the direct view of encouragiug population. But it also indirectly 
encouraged immorality, for young girls found themselves far 
better off when they were the mothers of a number of illegitimate 
children than when they continued virtuous. 

Other causes in addition were working among the artisans 
Distress of ^^^ reducing them to the greatest misery. The 
artisans inventions, which had increased the powers of 

production so largely, had effected this at the ex- 
pense of this class, thousands of whom were naturally thrown 
out of work. Moreover, great preparations were made at the 
end of the war for the vast expansion of trade which the manu- 
facturers expected would be the result of peace. But as a matter 
of fact the Continental demand for British goods ceased alto- 
gether, for the Continental nations were too utterly impoverished 



Umpressiott. 373 



by the vast expenses of the war to be able to purchase anything* 
In consequence there was a large stock of goods on hand* More 
labourers were dismissed, and production restricted. 

It was imagined that the termination of the war would 
bring some relief to the people by destroying the necessity for 
the standing army and the great expenses which had been sup- 
plied by heavy taxation. The Ministry, however, announced 
their intention of keeping up a large army and continuing the 
taxes. It had also been imagined that the ex- ■»,. ^ , 
ceptionally repressive mode of government would ^j^^ Ministry 
cease when the fear of Napoleon was removed." 
Castlereagh and his colleagues, however, gave no sign of return- 
. . ing to the path of progress, which had been barred by the French 
Revolution. Then the smouldering discontent, which had 
hitherto taken the form of machine-breaking,, broke out into a 
more tangible political shape. Plots of every . . 

kind were concocted against the Government. 
Societies were started for the revival of the agitation for Parlia- 
mentary Eeform. Dangerous and daring men planned to seize 
the king, to rouse an insurrection, to assassinate individual 
Ministers, to involve the whole Cabinet in one common 
and violent death. Leniency, properly used, might have 
averted all this. Wise legislation might have turned the dis- 
contented to their obedience. The Ministers, however, proceeded 
" to act as in a conquered country. Eepressive ]g^gpj.egsive 
laws were enacted, especially against the secret measures, 
societies. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended. 
Unlimited powers were practically thrown into the hands of an 
army of spies and officials. The Government did not scruple 
to use the military on the slightest possible pretext to disperse 
any pubKc meetings which they disapproved of, and in the 
encounters many of the people were severely injured. The most 
celebrated of these has acquired the name of the Manchester 
Massacre, where the magistrates ordered the 15th Hussars to 
chal"ge into a crowd of 80,000 people, which they did with fear- 
ful effect. The climax of this system of government was reached 
by the passing of the Six Acts, which were in- ^j^^ g^ ^^^^^ 
tended to facilitate the suppression of seditious ^g^g^ 
meetings, the speedy prosecution and punishment 
of offenders against the Press Laws, and the search for concealed 
arms. The strain, however, had been too great, the reaction was 



374 George IV. 



at hand, and a new era was inaugurated by the suicide of Lord 
Londonderry (Castlereagh) in 1822, and the entry of Canning 
and Huskisson into the Ministry. 

Signs, however, had not been wanting that a change was gra- 
dually coming over public opinion, and that the days of the old 
system were practically nTinibered. The question of Parlia- 
mentary Eef orm had been taken out of the hands 
TctiTn.^ ^' of Burdett, the leader of the violent party, by 

Lord John Russell, who succeeded in 1821 in dis- 
franchising Grampound, an extremely rotten Cornish borough. 
The Catholic agitation had assumed formidable proportions, and 
in 1817 Parliament had so far retrograded from the old Tory 
position that an Act was passed opening all ranks in the army 
to Catholics and Dissenters. In 1819 motions in favour of 
Catholic Relief were only rejected by two votes in the Commons, 
forty- one in the Lords. The question might now be regarded 
as settled in the Commons, and in 1821 there was actually a 
majority in the Lower House in favour of the BilL The ap- 
pointment of Lord Welleeley to the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland 
and Mr. Peel to the Home Office was a sign that a wider basis 
was about to be adopted in politics, for neither of them could 
be ranked as members of the old narrow Tory party. Moreover, 
the Ministry suffered an incalculable amount of well-deserved 
obloquy for their slavish persecution of the queen, in order to 
please George lY., and sustained a heavy defeat by being com- 
pelled to abandon the Bill of Pains and Penalties against her. 
The central pillar and guiding spirit, however, of the old system 

was Castlereagh ; nor was any real advance pos- 

Castler^affk, ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ removed from power. His death 
1822, ^s therefore an important epoch in the history 

of progress in England, 



^ Section 3, — Free Trade, Toleration, and Reform, 1822-32. 

Huskisson and Canning now became t*he moving genii of the 
_ - Cabinet, which was still nominally presided over 

movements. ^7 *^® ^^^^ ^^ Liverpool, and the various refonn 

movements going on in the country received a 
decided impetus. They may be roughly classed as Parliamen-* 
tary Reform, Free Trade, and Toleration. 



Free Trade and Relief, 375 



Of these undoubtedly tlie most important was the movement 
in favour of the gradual establishment of freedom 
of trade, which was the only way to alleviate the pJerirad^e 
perpetual' recurrence of famine. The accession 
of Huskisson to the Board of Trade marked a new era in com- 
mercial policy. The old protective system was partially given 
up, and restrictions on many branches of industry removed. In 
the first year of his accession to office, in spite of a great outcry, 
he succeeded in considerably modifying the provisions of the 
Navigation Act — ^which had prohibited foreign ships import- 
ing into England any commodities except the produce of their 
own countries — by repealing this clause in favour of nations who 
admitted colonial goods in English ships. In the next year he 
repealed all laws fixing the price of labour, or preventive of free 
competition and circulation of labour, and largely reduced the 
duties on silk and wool. He even succeeded in persuading the 
Government to lower the duties on imported corn temporarily 
to alleviate the great distress of 1826. Further than this, how* 
ever, they would not go. Later Canning, as Prime Minister, 
brought forward in 1827 a measure for establishing a sliding 
scale of duties which would accommodate itself to the price, so 
as to permit the importation of corn in times of distress. This 
motion, however, was thrown out by the Lords, and in the 
next year the Duke of Wellington carried a Bill for the 
creation of a sliding scale, but at much higher rates, and this 
measure remained law till 1842. 

Nothing had been done since 1817 with regard to Catholic 
Eelief, though Grattan, Plunket, and Canning had repeatedly 
brought forward motions on the subject in different forms. It 
was recognized, however, by 1823 that the centre of resistance 
had shifted to the House of Lords. In that year the jj^j^j^^g ^^^ 
movement entered on a new phase. The Catholic catholic relief. 
Association was formed in Ireland to carry on 
the agitation, and by 1825 it had become so formidable that the 
Government brought in a Bill to suppress it. Immediately it 
dissolved, in order to 'keep within the law, and re-formed itself 
under a new name. The accession of Canning to the premier- 
ship encouraged the hopes of the Catholics, for he was well 
known to be favourable to their demands ; but the bright pro- 
spect was clouded almost immediately by his premature death 
and the succession of the Duke of Wellington, who was well 
known to be hostile to Catholic Kelief. The duke regarded the 



"376 George IV. 



premiership as a command entrusted to him by the king, which 
he must defend to the utmost, but not resign until dismissed. 
He therefore pursued the irritating policy of resisting the mea- 1 
sures of his opponents almost to the verge of a rebellion, and 
then, when they became inevitable, remained in office to carry 
them out. On this principle, when he found that a measure 
proposing the abolition of the Test a ad Corporation Acts had 
been carried against him, 1828, he accepted it as his own. In 
the same year the Catholic question began to assume alarming 

proportions. Mr. Fitzgerald, on standing for re- 
Catliohc election as President of the Board of Trade, was 

Act* 1829. ^ rejected at Clare for O'Connell, the leader of the 

,Catholic Association. Relief had now become a 
necessity, for no one could contemplate without alarm the 
results of a general election in Ireland when possibly none but 
Catholics might be returned. Wellirigton, therefore, having 
pushed the question to the very last, now determined to yield to 
necessity and grant complete Emancipation to the Catholics, 
1829. 

From the year 1821 Lord John Russell had annually brought 
forward a motion in favour of a Reform in the representative 
system, but with unvarying ill-success. The evil effects of th« 
excesses of the French Revolution still remained, and the pro- 
pertied classes could not but contemplate with horror a move- 
-- . . ment which they felt convinced must end in 

reform. anarchy and massacre. In 1830, however, the 

Bourbons were expelled from France without the 
popular rising being stained by any of the horrors which were 
supposed to be inseparable from a revolution. The quiet and 
orderly manner in which the events of these " Bays of July " 
were accomplished proved quite a revelation to the English 
people. They saw that even a Revolution was not necessarily 
accompanied by violence, and that an orderly Reform might be 
effected without bloodshed. This awakening produced such a 
revulsion of public opinion that from this time it was merely a 
question of time. Reform had now reached the range of prac-, 
tical politics, and this fact was no doubt greatly facilitated by 
the death of George lY. in June, which rendered a General 
Election imminent. The Duke of Wellington, however, 
directly challenged the question by eulogizing the state of the 
representation at the opening of Parliament. Mr. Brougham 
thereupon gave notice of his intention to move for Reform^ 



j:-^ 



Reform, '^ 377 



Before the day arrived Wellington had been defeated on 
the Civil List, and resigned* Lord Grey thereupon came in 
with a Ministry pledged to Reform. Brougham's Bill was lost 
in the Commons, March 21, 1831, and the Minis- mu ■» ^^ 
try resigned. The king, however, enraged at an atruggle'"^ 
ill-judged attempt on the part of the Tory lords * 
to dictate to him, dissolved Parliament, April 22, and a large 
Whig majority was returned, thus ensuring the return of Grey 
to office as well. In June a new Bill was brought forward and 
carried in the Commons after a long discussion, only to be thrown 
but in the Lords in October. The recess of Parliament (October- 
December, 1831) was used by the popular party to epccite demon- 
strations in favour of the Bill. Riots broke out with dangerous 
frequency. Organized political unions pledged themselves to 
support the Bill. Threats were openly uttered against the 
Lords. Li December a Third Bill was introduced in the Com- 
mons, and by May 4 it had met with the usual fate in the 
Lords. As the king refused to swamp the Tory majority in the 
House of Lords by a creation of peers, Grey had no course but 
to resign. The utter impossibility of forming any Ministry 
compelled the king to yield. Grey returned to office on the 
istrength of a promise that peers should be created, if necessary. 
The king, however, gave his orders to the Duke of Wellington 
to point out to the Tory lords that the only way to avoid this 
violent measure was to abstain from voting. Wellington, there- 
fore, and a number of peers withdrew when the Bill was again 
sent up from the Commons, and the measure at ^ . _... 
once 'became law. The principal changes which ^332^ ' 

it effected were to remove 143 seats from nomina- 
tion boroughs, which were transferred to newly-created consti- 
tuencies ; to add to the voters copyholders, leaseholders, and 
lenants-at-will paying 50Z. a year ; and to establish a uniform 
lOZ. household franchise in the boroughs. This Reform Bill of 
1832 completed the work of the Revolution by transferring the 
power to the people, and the last effort of Personal Government 
in England was to effect its own abolition. 



378 



Tables of the Regency, 



The Eegency. 



Prime Ministers. 


Date. 




Perceval . . . 


1810 


The king becomes permanently insane. 




1811 


The Regency Bill. 


» 




Victories of Fuentes d*Onoro and Albnera ill 

Spain. 
Luddite riots. 




1812 


W ellesley resigns. 

Castlereagh succeeds him at the Foreign Office. 

BellinghaTTi assassinates Perceval. 


Liverpool . . . 




United States declare war. 
Wellington's victory of Salamanca. 
Napoleon invades Kassia. 
Burning'of Moscow. 


\ 


1813 


Wellington's victory of Vittoria. 


,^ . ' 




Napoleon's defeat at Leipsic. 


' 


1814 


Invasion of France from Germany, Holland, 

and Spain. 
Abdication of Napoleon. 
Expedition against Washington, 
First Peace of Paris. 
Congress at Vienna. 
Treaty of Ghent between England and United 

States. 


1 


1815 


Napoleon's return. 

Quatre Bras, Ligny, Waterloo. ■-^• 

The Holy Alliance, September. 

Second Peace of Paris, November, . 




1816 

1 


Riots. 

Catholic Relief thrown out in the Lords. 

Riots in Spa Fields. . ? 




1817 


Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. 

Riots. 

Political prosecutions. 


t 




Army thrown open to Catholics fl.nd Dis- 
senters. 




1818 


Repeal of the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus 
Act. 


t» - 1 




Bill of Indemnity for those who had acted 






under it. 
Burdett's motion for annual parliaments re- 
jected. 


• 


1819 


Catholic Relief rejected. 

Riots and petitions for Reform. 

Manchester Reform Meeting and " Massacre.*' 

The Six Acts. 

Russell's Resolution for Reform rejected. 




1820 


Death of George III. 



George IV, and William IV» 



379 



George IY, 



Prime Minister. 




Liverpool • • . 



Canning 



• • » 



Lord Goderich . 



Wellington . 



1820 
1821 
1822 



1823 



1824 

1825 

1826 

1827 

April, 

1827 

Aug. 

1828 



1829 



Bill of Pains and Penalties against the queen 
brought in, but has to be dropped. 

Catholic Relief thrown out by the Lords. 

Grampound disfranchised. 

Peel and Wellesley join the Government. 

Russell's Reform Bill and Canning's Relief 
Bill rejected. 

SmciDE OF Londonderry (Castlereagh). 

Canning is made Foreign Secretary. 

Petitions and motions for Reform. 

Huskisson modifies the Navigation Act. 

Catholic Relief thrown out by the Lords, 

Catholic Association formed in Ireland. 

Huskisson's measures for relieving trade. 

Measures against the Catholic Association. 

Riots. 

Resignation of Liverpool, 

Abortive measures at home. 

Spirited foreign policy. 

Mismanages Canning's Eastern policy. 

Resigns, unable to arrange quarrels in his 
Cabinet. 

Lord John Russell repeals Test and Corpora- 
tion Acts so far as concerned Dissenters. 

Sliding scale for com duties. 

Huskisson leaves the Government. 

O'Connell elected for Clare. 

The Catholic Relief Bill. 



Wellington . 
Lord Grey . 



1830 



1831 



1832 



William IY. 

The "Days of July." 

Resigns. 

Reform Bill introduced by Lord John Russell 

and thrown out. Parliament dissolved. 
Second Bill thrown out by the Lords, 

October 8. 
Riots. 

Third Bill brought in, December. 
Thrown out by the Lords, May. 
Wellington fails to make a Ministry. 
Reform Bill passed, June. 



^» 



INDEX, 



A. 

Acre, Defence of, 328. 

Addington, v. Lord Sidmouth. 

Alberoni, Cardinal, 25, 26, 46 — 
50. 

American Colonies, The : — 
English. Growth, v. Table, p. 
xxxi: ; Treaty of Utrecht, 99, 
155, 156 j Assiento,q. V. Jenkins* 
ear, 99 ; disputes with Spain on 
commerce, 99, 100; war with 
Spain, 102 ; Anson^s voyage 
round the world, 102 ; captnre 
of Cape Breton, 111 ; restored, 
112 ; foundation of Halifax, 
134 ; early history of colonies, 
155 — 159 ; government, 156, 
157 ; character, 157 j boundary 
disputes with France, 159; 
questions slurred over at Aix, 
- 112,133; Ohio Company, 160; 
war, 112, 160, 186, 191, 204 ; 
Braddock, 160 ; failure before 
Louisburg, 186; capture of 
Louisburg, 187; attack on 
Ticonderoga, 187; capture of 
Quebec, 189 ; of Montreal, 
191; Wolfe, q.v. acquisition 
of Canada and the basin of the 
Ohio, 224, 225 ; the three 
classes of American colonies, 
249, 250 ; their character and 
differences, 249—251; diffi- 
culty of union, 250, 251 ; re- 
lations with England, 251 ; 
commercial grievances, 233, 
251 ; Grenville's commercial 
legislation, 233; causes of the 



Stamp Act, 252, 253; the 
Stamp Act, 233, 253; merits 
of the case, 253 ; results, 233, 
254 ; repeal, 235 ; the tea tax, 
239, 243, 254; Boston Mas. 
sacre, 255 ; Hutchinson's Let- 
ters, 255; Boston Mohawks, 
256 ; Congress, 257 ; Battle of 
Lexington, 258 ; American 
War, q.v. loss of America, 
262. 
French. Loss of Cape Breton, 
111 ; restored, 112 ; extent, 
156; government, 158 ; charac- 
ter, 158 (v. English) ; policy 
of Vergennes, 225, 259—261; 
its failure, 262. 
Spanish. Exclusive policy, 99; 
quarrels with England, war, 
(v. English), 99—102, 107, 
108, 111, 112; Family Com- 
pact, 221 ; losses in W. Indies, 
223; Peace of Paris, 225. 

Anne, Queen, 1 — 5. 

Anti-Jacobin, 303, 331. 

Atterbury, 61, 137, 138. 



B. 



Bangorian Controversy, 64, 137. 
Battles : — 

Albuera, 1811, 349. 

Argaom, 1803, 363. 

Assaye, 1803, 363. 

Auerstadt, 1806, 344. 

Austerlitz, 1805, 343. 

Basignano, 1745, 110. 

Baylen, 1808 347. 



382 



Index, 



Battles (contiimed) : — 
Belleisle, OflP, 1747, 111. 
Bergen, 1759, 182. 
Bunker's Hill, 1775, 258. 
Camperdowri, Off, 1797, 312. 
Cape Finisterre, Off, 1747, 111 ; 

1805, 343. 
Cape Pesaro, Off, 1718, 48. 
Cape St. Vincent, Off, 1797, 311. 
Carrickfergiis, Off, 1760, 195. 
Castlebar Races, The, 1798, 325. 
Copenhagen, First, 1801, 329. 

, Second, 1807, 346. 

Coverpauk, 1752, 154. 

Creveldt, 1758, 181. 

Culloden, 1746, 127. 

Dettingen, 1743, 107. 

Diamond, The, 1795, 323. 

Eckmiihl, 1809, 348. 

Eylau, 1807, 345. 

Falkirk, 1746, 127. 

First of June, 1794, 309. 

Fontenoy, 1745, 110. 

Fort Duquesne, Ner^r, 1755, 161. 

, 1758, 188. 

Friedland, 1807, 345. 
Fuentes d'Onoro, 1811, 349. 
Great Meadows, Near, 1754, 160. 
Hastenbeck, 1757, 179. 
Hochkirchen, 1758, 181. 
Hohenlinden, 1800, 328. 
Jena, 1806, 344. 
Kolin, 1757, 179. 
Kunersdorf, 1759, 182. 
Lagos, Off, 1759, 194. 
Laswaree, 1803, 363. 
Leipsic, 1813, 356. 
Lexington, 1775, 258. , 

Leuthen, 1757, 180. 
Liegnitz, 1760, 183. 
Ligny, 1815, 358. 
Louisburg, 1758, 287. 
Maida, 1806, 346. 
Marengo, 1800, 328. 
Minden, 1759, 182. 
Molwitz, 1741, 105. 
Narva, 1701, 23. 
Nile, The, 1798, 327. ' 
Plasaey, 1757, 179, 199. 
' Pollilore, 1781, 264. 
Porto Novo, 1781, 264. 
Prague, 1767, 178. 



Preston, 1715, 36. 

Preston Pans, 1745, 123. 

Pultava, 1709, 24. 

Pultusk, 1807, 345. 

Pyrenees, The, 1813, 349. 

Quatre Bras, 1815, 359. 

Quebec, First, 1759, 189. 

, Second, 1760, 190. 

Quiberon Bay, In, 1759, 194. 

Raucoux, 1746, 111. 

Riga, 1701, 23. 

Rossbach, 1757, 180. 

Salamanca, 1812, 349. 

Sheriffmuir, 1715, 37. 

St. Tropez, Off, 1742, 106. 

Talavera, 1809, 348. 

Ticonderoga, 1758, 187. 

Torgau, 1760, 183. 

Trafalgar, 1805, 344. 

Valmy, 1792, 297. 

Yinegar HiU, 1798, 325. 

Vittoria, 1813, 349. 

Wagram, 1809, 348. 

Wandewash, 1760, 201. 

Warburg, 1760, 190. 

Waterloo, 1815, 359. 

West Indies, In the, 1782, 261. 

Zorndorf, 1758, 181. 
Berlin Decree, 344. 
Belleisle, Schemes of the Duke 

of, 105. 
Bills : — 

Excise, 1733, 93—95. . 

India (Fox's), 1783, 281, 282. 

Peerage, 1719, 52. 

Reform (Pitt's), 1785, 290. 

(Russell's), 1821, 374. 

, 1821-30, 376. 

(Brougham's), 1830, 376. 

Regency, 1788-9, 291. 

Relief, Catholic (Mit ford's), 1792, 
298. 

(Pitt's), 1801, 



332. 



374. 



■^.(Canning's), 1821, 
1827, 



375. 

Sliding Scale (Canning's), 1827, 
375. 
Bolikgbroke, Yiscount, Jacobite 
views, 3, 14 ; impeachment, 29 ; 



Index. 



383 



in 1715, 33, 34 ; return, 61 ; in- 
trigues, 64 ; the Craftsman^ 63 j 
influence on parties, 77, 83 j op- 
position to Walpole, 83 ; total 
failure, 84; connection with 
Frederic, Prince of Wales, 84 ; 
influence on George III., 85 ; the 
'* Patriot King," 85; retires to 
France, 97. 

Broad-Bottomed Ministry, v. Pel- 
ham, 130—133. 

Buonaparte, Napoleon, 310, 311, 
327—329, 333—335, 338, 340— 
349. 

BuEKE, Edmund, 229, 235, 257, 
267, 275, 276, 278—281, 284r-V 
287, 289, 299, 301, 302, 305. 

Bute, Earl of, 220, 222, 224—227, 
228, 230, 231, 234. 



C. 



Cabinet System, v. Ministerial Go- 
vernment. 

Canada, v. American Colonies 
(English and French). 

Canning, , George, 331, 337, 346, 
352, 369, 374, 375. 

Caroline, Queen, 74, 87—91, 98. 

cIetebet, Lord, 62, 80, 81, 103, 
107—109, 113—116, 131. 

Cash PAYMENTS,Suspension of, 316. 

Castlereagh, Lord, 326, 332, 352, 
367, 368, 373, 374. 

Catholics, The, 140—142, 266, 
^98, 321, 322, 326, 332, 337, 351, 
354, 369, 370-376 (v. Statutes, 
ReHef A.cts ; Bills, Relief). 

Charles Stuart, 61, 116—130. 
Table, p. xxv. 

Church, The, 137—144. 

Civil List. Note G, 5, 91. 

Clive, Robert, Lord, 153, 154, 
197—203. 

** Coalition, The Unnatural," 
280—282. 

Colonies, The, v. Table, p. xxxi. ; 
American Colonies; India ; Ame- 
rican War (of Independence). 

Commerce, 11, 12, 54, 55, 75, 99— 
101, 111, 112, 149, 233, 236, 277, 
292, 294, 312, 316, 370—372. 



CoMPTON, Sir Spencer, v, Wilming- 
ton. 

Congress of Aix-la-ChapeUe, 1748, 
112. 

Carabrai, 1721, 65. 

SoisBons, 1728, 68. 

Vienna, 1815, 356— 

360. 

Convocation, perpetual proroga- 
tion, 64, 65, 137. 

Corn Laws, 331, 371, 372, 375. 

Cornwallis, Lord, 260, 261, 325, 
326, 361, 363. 

Corruption, results of Septennial 
Act, 41 ; Walpole's use of it, 76 ; 
Newcastle's, 114, 146, 169; 
Carteret's neglect, 115; Pelham, 
131 ; state of Parliament, 145 — 
148, 279 ; election petitions, 147, 
271 ; place biUs, 148, 279; Pitt's 
incorruptibility, 207, 210; George 
III., 215—217, 226, 239, 269— 
272, 282, 286 ; franchise, 271 ; 
revenue ofl&cers, 271, 279; Re- 
form Bills (v. Reform). 
" Craftsman," The, 63, 79. 



D. 



Dismissal for political conduct, 96, 

235. 
DissENTEES, 13, 51, 52, 97, 138— 

140, 141, 374, 376. 
" Drapier's Letters," The, 62. 
** Drunken Administration," The, 

114. 
Dubois, Cardinal, 21, 22, 33, 44, 

45, 47, 48, 50, 61. 
Duple rx, v. India. 
Dunning's Resolution, 276. 



E. 



Election Petitions v. Corruption. 

Elizabeth of the Palatinate, 2. 

England, State of, 1713, 18 ; 1714, 
8, 9—17; 1715,28—31; 1720-21, 
54, 61, 64; Walpole, 72, 73; 
Carteret, 108, 109, 115; 1745, 
117, 119, 120, 124, 125; 1756, , 
173, 209, 210; 1759, 182, 210, 
211 ; 1760, 220 ; 1763, 227, 233 ; 



384 



Index, 



1770, 245 ; 1774, 257 ; 1779-80,- 
275, 276; 1789-95, 300—305, 
312—315; 1797, 315; 1798-99, 
330, 331 ; 1801, 331 ; 1803, 335 ; 
1815-20, 370—373 ; 1832, 377. 



F. 

Falkland Isles, 272. 

Fox, Charles James, genealogy, 
176; 257, 274, 276; views on 

• reform, 276; in Kockingham's 
Ministry, 278-280; the Unnatural 
Coalition, 280—282 : struggle 
with Pitt, 283 ; character and 
history, 287, 288 ; in opposition, 
289, 291 ; sympathy with French 
Kevolution, 300, 303, 310, 312 ; 
violence, 330 ; secession, 331 ; 
return, 336, 337 ; Foreign Minis- 
ter, 344, 350 ; death, 350. 

Fox, Henry, 131, 172, 175, 176, 226, 
227. 

Fredekic, Prince of Wales, 84j 85, 
131. 

French Bevolution, Events of, 
296, 297, 306, 307; effect on 
England, 297—308; war (v. 
Kevolutionary War); later effects 
on England, 312—318; effects 
on Ireland, 321 (v. Pitt, W. 
Burke, Fox, C. J.). 

Friends op the People, Society of, 
245, 273. 



G. 



General Warrants, 231, 232, 235. 
George I., 3, 7—9, 28, 31, 43, 64, 

73. 
. II., 8, '43,73, 87—91,101, 

108, 114, 116, 130, 175. 

Ill,, character, 213; de- 



fects, 214 ; theories, 215 ; po- 
licy, 215 — 218 ; advantages on 
accession, 218, 219 ; the King's 
Friends, 216, 219, 236 ; reign, 
213—353 (v. Personal Govern- 
ment) ; Struggle with the House 
of Commons, 220 — 248 ; per- 
sonal government, 249 — 262, 269 
— 277; last struggle with the 



Whigs, 278—383 ; triumph, 283 ; 
opposition to Reform, 290 ; to 
Catholic Relief, 323, 332, 351; 
popularity of George, 330 ; in- 
sanity, 353. 

Geobge IV., 291, 365, 366. 

Gibraltar, Siege of, 68, 260, 261. 

Gordon Riots, 275. 

GoRTZ, Baron, 25, 45, 46, 48. 

Grafton, Duke of, 229, 237—245, 



248. 



Granville, Earl, v. Carteret. 

Grenville, George, opposition to 
Walpole, 81 ; admitted to office, 
by Pelham, 131 ; Secretary un- 
der Bute, 224 ; Ministry, 228— 
234 ; character, 228 ; American 
policy, 233, 252, 253; king's 
hatred of him, 234; Election 
Petition Bill, 271 ; death, 270, 

, Lord, 212, 280, 283, 

304, 336, 337, 346, 350-352. 

Grey, Lord, 303, 368, 369, 377. " ' 



H. 



Habeas Corpus Act, Suspensions 

of, 34, 61, 125, 314, 315, 323, 

373. 
Hanoverian Policy of George I., 

8, 30, 43, 44 ; of George II., 106 

—108, 173, 179. 
Harley, v. Oxford. 
Hastings, Warren, 263—265, 271, 

285, 286, 290, 
Hyder Ali, 263, 264. 



I. 



India, East India Company 11, 149 ; 
presidencies, 149 ; growth, v. 
Table and Maps. Dupleix, 151 ; 
Clive, 153 ; defence of Arcot, 
153; recall of Dupleix, 155; Black 
Hole of Calcutta, 197; agree- 
ment with Surajah Dowlah, 198 ; 
capture of Chandernagore, 198; 
plot with Meer Jaffier, 198 j 
Omichund, 198, 199; battle of 
Plassey, 199 j its results, 199; 
treaty with Meer Jaffier, 199; 



5"^ 

7* 



Index. 



385 



removal of Dutch competition, 
200; Lally, 200; Eyre Coote, 

. 201 ; battle of Wandewash, 201 ; 
exclusion of French from India, 
201 ; massacre of Patna, 202 ; 
Olive's economical and adminis- 
trative reforms, 202 ; acquisition 
of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, 
202 ; Peace of Paris, and end of 
French military establishments, 
201, 225; Chatham's abortive 
plans,' 238; Lord North's Regu- 
lating Act, 256,263, 274; Warren 
Hastings, 263 ; Nuncomar, 263 ; 
war with Hyder Ali, 264 ; 
Cheyte Sing, 264; Begums of 
Oude, 265; Fox's India Bill, 
265,281,282; Burke's theories, 
285, 286; Pitt's India Act, 290; 
impeachment of Warren Hast- 
ings, 290; capture of Ceylon, 309 ; 
Lord Comwallis, 361; Second 
Mysore War, 361 ; Sir John Shore, 
362 ; Lord Wellesley, 362; Third 
Mysore War, 362 ; Mahratta 
Wars, 363 ; Sir George Barlow, 
363 ; capture of the Mauritius, 
364. 

Ireland, in 1722-24, 62, 63 ; Chat- 
ham's abortive plans, 238 ; state 
of Ireland before 1782, 266, 267; 
government, 267 ; the volunteers, 
267; meeting at Dungannon, 
268 ; legislative independence, 
268; failure of constitution of, 
1782, 319 ; danger of Home Rule, 
320 ; state of Ireland, 1782-95, 
321—323; rebelUon, 323—325; 
the Union, 325, 326 ; Emmett's 
plot, 335 ; Catholic Association, 
375 ; Clare election, 876. 



J. 



Jacobite Chiefs, in 1715, 34, 36, 

39 ; in 1719, 49 ; in 1745, 121, 

122, 123, 125, 128. 
Rebellion, First, 31 — 39; 

abortive, 49; Second, 116—129. 
JaCOBitism, in 1714, 14; Boling- 

broke's schemes, 4 ; in 1715, 29, 



31—39; in 1719, 49; in 1721, 
61 ; decline, 64 ; in Parliament, 
73, 82; in Pelham's Ministry, 
131, 132; in 1745, 117—129; 
end, 129,130; change to Toryism, 
219;' ♦* Patriot King," 215. 

James Stuart, 6, 9, 34, 38, 61. 

Jenkins' Eab, Story of, 99 ; war of, 
V. Wars. 

Junius, Letters of, 242, 244, 246, 
246—248, 269. 



K. 
Kaukitz, PoHcy of, 161—165. 



L. 



Latitudinarianism, 16, 17, 137, 

138, 
London. 17th century, 12 ; 1715, 

29, 31; 1720-21, 57; 1733, 94; 

1745, 120, 125 ; 1763, 232 ; 1768, 

240. 



M. 



Malta, Capture of, 329. 

Methodists, The, 142 — 144. 

Ministerial Government, 16, 16, 
40, 41, 42, 76, 77, 109, U5, 131, 
132, 145—148, 167—170, 175, 
216,222,270—272,278, 282, 283, 
332, 336, 337, 351, 377. 

Mutiny at Spithead, 316; at the 
Nore, 317. 

National Debt, 54, 134, 289. 

Naval Expansion, 101, 102, 108, 
111, 193—196, 309, 311, 327, 329, 
340, 345. 

Nelson, Admiral Lord, 311, 327, 
329, 344. 

Newcastle, Duke of, 45, 75, 103, 
109, 113, 115, 131, 133, 145, 
146, 167—175, 224. 

North, Lord, in Pitt's second 
Ministry, 237 ; his Ministry, 244, 
249 — 277; dealings with America, 
249—262; with India, 263— 
265; at home, 269—277; re- 
signation, 276 ; coalition with 
Fox, 280, 281. 

c c 



386 



Index, 






Nova ScotU, v. Amerioan Colo- 
nies (English). 



0. 



Opposition, Tbe, to Stanhope, 
50—53 ; to Wulpole, 78—86 ; to 
Carteret, 114 ; Pelham destroys 
it, 131 ; opposition to Newcastle, 
168, 172 ; to W. Pitt, 289, 300, 
303, 312, 330, 331, 337. 

Orfoed, Earl of, v. Walpole. 

OsTEND Company, 65, 67, 69. 

OxFOED, Earl of, 3, 4, 30, 51. 



P. 



Pafma and Plaoentia, Duchies of, 
26, 50, 67. 69, 70, 112. 

Parttps, v. Whigs and Tories. 

Party Government, v. Ministerial 
GoverDment. 

Party Questions, Destruction of 
the TTieaning of (1715— 70), 77, 
83, 96, 113, 114, 131,132,167, 
168, 172, 212, 218, 219, 229, 230, 
237-239,243, 244. 

Pelham, H'^nry, 109—136. 

Perceval, Mr., 352, 363. 

Personal Government of George 
I., 27. 30, 43, 44, 64 ; of George 
II., 73, 74, 91, 98, 101. 103, 108, 
114, 115, 116, 175; of George 
III., 215—218, 220, 222, 224— 
227, 228, 230, 234, 236, 240, 242, 
244, 245, 269—272, 276, 282, 
2P3 sao, 332, 333, 337, 351 ; end 
of, 377. 

Philippe of Orleans, 21, 22, 33,44, 
45, 46, 48, 66. 

Pitt. ■William, Earl of Chatham, 
pnrly life. 206: opposition to 
Walpole, 81 , 206 ; to Carteret, 
114 : Paymaster, 131, 207 ; op- 
position and ingratitude to New- 
CRptle, 172, 173 ; first Ministry, 
175 ; oratory, 206; purity, 207; 
defects and inconsistencies, 208, 
209 : greatness, 186, 210, 211 ; 
foreign policv, 179, 181, 184, 193, 
^08—210, 221; principles of , 



government, 210 ; views on re- 
form, 208 ; anti-party views, 
212, 229, 236 ; genealogy, 212 ; 
resignation, 222; peerage for 
wife, 222 ; relations with Tem- 
ple, 229, 234 ; second Ministry, "^ 
237—239 ; its failure, 237, 238 ; 
Earl of Chatham, 237 ; illness, 
238 ; America, 258, 274 ; death, 
260, 274. 

Pitt, William (junior), early his- 
tory, 293 ; in Shelburne's Minis- 
try, 280, 293; struggle with 
Fox, 283, 294 ; Ministry, 289— 
339; early measures, 289—291, ^i 
294 ; early foreign policy, 291, 
292, 295 ; feeling towards French 
Revolution, 298, 299 ; change in 
view, 302, 304, 305; foreign 
policy, 308— 312, 327, 335, 337 
—339; leader of the old Tory 
party, 302, 305, 312—318, 33i, 
337 ; dealings with Ireland, 289, 
322—326; Catholic Emancipa- 
tion, 326, 332 ; second Ministry, 
337--339. 

Place Bills, v. Corruption. 

Poland, Partition of, 273. 

Porteous Riots, 97. 

Pragmatic Sanction, QQ^ 67, 69, 
104, 109. 

Printers' Case, 273, 

Privilege of Parliament, 148,273. 

PuLTENEY, William, 78—80, 102, 
113, 116. 



I 

y 



Q. 



QuiBERON, Expedition to, 309. 



R. 



Radicalism, Birth of, 245, 246; 
sympathy with French Revolu- 
tion, 300—303 ; State prosecu- 
tions, 313, 314; English Na- 
tional Convention, 303, 313, 314; 
unfortunate results of, 303, 804, 
353. 



Index 



387 



** Reflections on the French Re- 
volution/' The, 299, 301. 

Reform, Economical, v. Comip- 
tion. 

, Parliamentary, cormpt 

stateof the franchise, 145,146, 
271 ; Pitt's views, 208 ; Radical 
views, 245 ; change in the Whigs, 
246; Junius' views, 248; Whig 
views, 279, 281 ; Burke's views, 

286 ; Fox's early views, 246,276, 

287 ; W. Pitt's views, 279, 281, 
290 ; Reform Bills, 353, 374, 375 ; 
Reform Act, 377. 

Reporting, 148, 273. 

Representative System, v. Re- 
form. 

Rockingham, Marquis of, 229, 235, 
236, 278—280. 



S. 



St. John, v. Bolingbroke. 
Saratoga, Surrender at, 259. 
Scotland, 1715,31—33; 1719, 49; 

1725, 63 ; 1736, 97 ; 1745, 118, 

119, 121, 122. 
Shelburne, Lord, 278, 280. 
Shrewsbury, Duke of, 4, 5. 
SiDMOUTH, Lord, 322, 333—336, 

339, 350, 367. 
Slave Trade, 291, 351. 
Sophie, Electress, 2. 
South Sea Company, 55 — 59. 
Stanhope, James,Earl, 27, 45—59. 

StATTTTTi'S * 

Act of' Abjuration, 1699, 140, 

141. 
Act for the Alteration of the 

Calendar, 1751, 134. 
Act of Indemnity for Dissenters, 

1727, 52. 
Act of Settlement, 1701, Note B. 
Act of CJnion, Irish, 1800, 326. 
Alien Act, 1793, 305. 
American Customs Act, 1767, 

239, 254. 
American Rioters' Act, 1768, 239, 
American Stamp Act, 1765, 233, 

253. 

C C 



American Sbamp Act, Repeal of 

1766, 235. 
Bill of Rights, 1688-89, Note 

A. 
Boston Port Bill, 1774, 257. 
Catholic Penal Laws, 139, 140. 
Catholic Emancipation Act, 1829, 

376. 
Catholic Relief Acts (Savile's), 

1778, 274. 
(Pitt's 

Irish), 1792.93, 322. 



(Naval and 

Military Ofacers' Oaths Act), 

1817, 374. 
Cider Tax, 1763, 227. 

, Repeal of, 1765, 234. 

Commercial Acts (Huskisson's), 

1823-24,375. 
Corporation Act, 141. 
• Repeal of, 1828, 

376. 
Dissenters' Relief Acts, v. Dis- 
senters. 
Economical Reform Act, 1742, 

148. 
, 1782, 

279. 
Election Petition Act, Mr. Gren- 

ville's, 1770, 271, 273. 
Hovering Act, 1784, 289. 
India Act (Pitt's), 1784, 290. 
Judges' Act, 1760, 220. 
Libel Act (Fox's), 1792, 304. 
Marriage Act (Hardwicke's), 

1753, 135. 
Massachusetts Charter Act, 

3774, 257. 
Nullum Tempus Act, 1768, 239. 
Place Act (Rockingham's), 1782, 

279. 
Poyning's Law, 267. 
. Repeal of, 1782, 

268 279. 
Privilege Act, 1770, 273. 
Reform Act, 1832, 377. 
Regency Act, 1765, 234. 

1811, 353. 

Regulating Act (North's), 1773, 

256, 263. 
Riot Act, 1715, 30. 
Royal Marriage Act, 1772, 274. 



388 



Index, 



Statutes (continned) : — 

Schism Act, Repeal of, 1719, 51. 

Sedition Act, 1795, 315. 

Septennial Act, 1716, 39-42. 

" , Motion for re- 
peal, 96. 

Six Acts, The, 1819, 373. 

Slave-trade, Regulation of, 1788, 
291 

. '- , AboKtion of, 1806-11 , 

351. 

Sliding Scale Act (Wellington's), 
1828, 375. 

Test Act, 139, 140. 

, Repeal of, 1828, 376. 

Traitorous Correspondence Act, 
1793, 312. 

Treason Act, 1795, 315. 
Swift, Dean, 62. 



T. 



Torres Yedras, Lines of, 348. 

Tories, divisions, 1714, 14, 15 ; ex- 
clusion from political power, 15, 
28, 167; overtures to Walpole, 
61 ; change in meaning, 77, 83, 
85, 132 ; Tories in Pelham's 
Ministry, 131 ; Pitt's overtures 
to them, 212 ; new Tory party, 
219; alliance with George III., 
219 ; in Pitt's second Ministry, 
238 ; North's Tory Government, 
244; the old Tory party, 299, 
301, 302, 312, 315, 352—354, 366 
—368, 370—374. 

TowNSHEND, Charles, Viscount, 27 
—44, 61—53, 67, 92. 

Treaties : — 

Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748, 112, 133, 

152, 159. 
Alexander of Russia, With, 1801, 

329. 
Amiens, 1802, 329, 
AiTQed Neutrality, First, 1780, 
260. 

, Second, 1800, 

329. 
Assiento, 1713, 55, 65, 69, 99, 

112. 
Berlin and Breslau, 1742, 106. 



Barrier Treaty, 1713, 18. 
Bassein, 1802, 363. 
Campo Formio, 1797, 311. 
Coalition, The First, 1793, 308. 

, The Second, 1799, 327. 

, The Third, 1805, 338. 

, The Fourth, 1806, 345. 

Dresden, 1745, 110. 

Family Compact, First, 1733, 

100. 
^ Second, 1761, 

184, 221. 
France and America, Between, 

1778, 259. 
Frankfurt, 1744, 109. 
Fuessen, 1744, 110. 
General Peace, 1719, 50. 
Ghent, 1814, 355. 
Great Mogul, With the, 1766, 

202. 
Hanau, 1743, 108, 161. 
Hanover, 1725, 67. 
Holy Alliance, 1815, 359. 
Hubertsburg, 1763, 185, 226. 
Klein Schnellendorf, 1741, 106. 
Kloster Seven, 1757, 177, 179. 
Luneville, 1801, 328, 
Mangalore, 1784, 264. 
Meer Jafifier, With, 1757, 199. 
Nystadt, 1721. 50. 
Paris, 1763, 185, 224, 225. 

, First, 1814, 357. 

, Second, 1815, 359. 

Passarowitz, 1718, 48. 

Quadruple Alliance, 1718, 47. 

Salbhye, 1783, 264. 

Seville, 1729, 69, 99. 

Stockholm, 1720, 50. 

St. Petersburg, 1757, 177. 

Surajah Dowlah, With, 1756, 198. 

Tilsit, 1807, 346. 

Triple Alliance, 1717, 44, 45. 

Utrecht, 1713, 18, 35, 44, 55, 65, 

69, 99, 156, 159. 
Versailles, 1756, 165, 177. 

of, (partition), 1757, 



177. 



1783, 262, 279, 280. 



Vienna, First, 1725, 67. 

, Second, 1731, 69. 

, Third, 1735, 70, 96. 

, 1815, 359. 



Indxjc. 



389 



WeatminBter, 1756, 165, 173, 

177. 
Worms, :|.743, 109. 
TuiENNiAL Parliaments, Objec- 
tions to, 89, 42. 



W. 

Walpolb, Sir Robert, birth, 60; 
early life, 60 ; expelled from 
Parliament, 60 j Townshend's 
Ministry, 27 ; opposition to 
Stanhope, 51 ; joins Stanhope's 
Ministry, 53 ; winds up the 
South Sea Company, 58 ; Minis- 
try, 60—103 ; foreign policy, 65 
— 70; enemies, 78—86; cha- 
racter, 77 ; general policy, 71— 
78 ; fall, 102 ; created Lord Or- 
ford, 103 { influence with George 
II. , 114, 115 ; relations with the 
queen, 89—91 ; death, 103. 
Warming-pan Stort, 6. 
Wars (in chronological order) : — 
Spanish Succession, 1702-13, 

Note D. 
Northern, 1699-1721, 23—25, 

50. 
Alberoni, 1718—19, 48, 49. 
Ripperda, 1725-26, 68. 
Polish Succession, 1733-35, 70, 

95. 
Jenkins* Ear, or Spanish, 1739- 
46, 99—102, 107, 108, 111, 
112. 
Austrian Succession, 1740-48, 

104-112. 
American Intercolonial, 1745-60, 

112, 159, 160, 186—192, 204. 
Indian Intercolonial, 1749-60, 
112, 151—155, 197—201, 204. 
Seven Years', 1756-63, 149—204 ; 
causes, 149 — 166; European 
branch, 177—185; Indian, v. 
Indian Intercolonial; Ameri- 
can, V. American Intercolo- 
nial ; naval, 193—196; last 
years, 221—224 ; results, 224, 
225; Tables, 177, 204. 



American (of Independence), 
1775-83, 249—262, 279, 280; 
causes, 251 — 257 (v. American 
Colonies, English) ; the war, 
257—262 ; Peace of Versailles, 
262, 279, 280. 
Mysore, First, 1780-84, 264. 
Mahratta, First, 1779-82, 264. 
Revolutionary, 1792 — 1801, con- 
tinental part, 296, 297, 308— 
311, 327—329, nav«-l, 309, 
311, 327, 329; causes, 297, 
301, 304, 307; justice, 306, 
307 ; Egyptian invasion, 327, 
328; invasion of Ireland, 
324. 
Napoleonic, 1803-15, causes, 
333—339; Second Coalition, 
343—347; Peninsular War, 
347 — 349 ; Russian Campaign, 
356 ; Waterloo Campaign, 
358, 359 ; Mauritius, 364. 
American, 1812-14, 354, 355. 
Mysore, Second, 1790-92, 361. 
Mysore, Third, 1799, 362. 
Mahratta, Scindiah and Berar, 

1802-3, 363. 
Mahratta, Holkar, 1804, 363. 
Welleslet, Lord, 338, 353, 362. 
Wellington, Duke of, 347—349, 

358—360, 364, 375, 376. 
Wesley and Whitefield, v. Metho- 
dists. 
Whigs, elements in 1714, 9; 
Whiggism of the monied interest, 
12 ; change in meaning, 77, 78, 
81, 85, 113, 114, 131, 132, 167, 
168, 172, 175, 218 ; extinction of 
old meaning, 218 ; sections in 
1763, B29; Rockingham Min- 
istry, 235 ; weakness of the 
Whigs, 238, 244, 269 ; effect of 
Radicalism on, 246; recovery, 
275—277; sections in 1782, 
278 ; Rockingham Ministry, 
278—280; split in the Whigs, 
280; Coalition, 280—282; Pifct, 
V. Fox, 283 ; new Whig party, 
300—303 (v. Radicalism), 350— 

352; the Reformers, 352, 368, 
374_377. 

Whig Oligarchy, Government of 



390 



Il^DEX. 



the, 15, 40, 41, 76, 146 ; break- 
up of the, 215, 217, 220, 222, 224, 
230 J failure of the first Rock- 
ingham Ministry, 235, 236 ; dis- 
union of the Whigs, 238. 

Wilkes, John, 230—232, 240— 
242, 273. 

Wilmington, Earl of, 74, 91, 113, 
115. 



Wolfe, General, 179, 187, 189, 
190—192. 

Y. 

Yorkshire Freeholder's Peti- 
tion, 275. 
York Town, surrender at, 261. 



ERRATA. ! 

p. 4, 1. 34, for ** Henry, Duke of Shrewsbury '' read "Charles.'' 

p. 15, 1. 22, for '' hardly fifty Tory members " read " ultra-Torv." 

p. 17, 1. 13, for " 1715 " read '^ 1717. " 

p. 24, 1. 8, and margin, for" 1708 " (his) read '' 1709." 

p. 27, 1. 8 and 23, for "Sir Robert Walpole" read " Robert Walpole." 

p. 34, 1. 18, for '' Huntley " read " Huntly ." 
, p. 39, 1. 13, for " at Tyburn " read " on Tower Hill." 
" p. 54, last line, /or " Stevenson " read " Stephenson." 

p. 64, 1. 32, for " Czarina died in 1726" read " 1727." 

p. 81, 1. 36, for '' Cobham '' read " Cornbury." 

p. 102, 1. 30—32, for " And so when Walpole found himself only ahVe 
to carry the Government candidate on the Chippenham Election Petition, 
1742, by a very small majority," read "unable" . . . *' though by a very 
small majority." 

p. 129, 1. 1, for " executed " read " all executed— the latter." 

p. 129, 1. 2, dele " at the time." 

p. 131, 1. 8, for "created " read " appointed." 

p. 131, 1. 21, for " till his death in 1746 " read " till the year 1746." 

p. 148, 1. 7, Jor " 1743 " read " 1742." 

p. 169, 1. 25, for " ten years " read " eight." 

p. 175, 1. 20, for " Heniy Fox. was the eldest son" read "youngest." 

p. 185, three lines from bottom, for " February 5th, 1763 " read 
" February 15th." 






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